The Extended Mind by Andy Clark & David J. Chalmers

David Chalmers

Reprinted in D. Chalmers (ed) PHILOSOPHY OF MIND:CLASSICAL AND

CONTEMPORARY READINGS (Oxford University Press, 2002)

The Extended Mind

Andy Clark & David J. Chalmers [*] Department of Philosophy
Washington University
St. Louis, MO 63130

Department of Philosophy University of Arizona Tucson, AZ 85721

andy@twinearth.wustl.edu chalmers@arizona.edu

*[[Authors are listed in order of degree of belief in the central thesis.]] [[Published in Analysis 58:10-23, 1998. Reprinted in (P. Grim, ed) The

Philosopher's Annual, vol XXI, 1998.]] 1 Introduction

Where does the mind stop and the rest of the world begin? The question invites two standard replies. Some accept the demarcations of skin and skull, and say that what is outside the body is outside the mind. Others are impressed by arguments suggesting that the meaning of our words “just ain’t in the head”, and hold that this externalism about meaning carries over into an externalism about mind. We propose to pursue a third position. We advocate a very different sort of externalism: an active externalism, based on the active role of the environment in driving cognitive processes.

2 Extended Cognition

Consider three cases of human problem-solving:

(1) A person sits in front of a computer screen which displays images of various two-dimensional geometric shapes and is asked to answer questions concerning the potential fit of such shapes into depicted “sockets”. To assess fit, the person must mentally rotate the shapes to align them with the sockets.

(2) A person sits in front of a similar computer screen, but this time can choose either to physically rotate the image on the screen, by pressing a rotate button, or to mentally rotate the image as before. We can also suppose, not unrealistically, that some speed advantage accrues to the physical rotation operation.

(3) Sometime in the cyberpunk future, a person sits in front of a similar computer screen. This agent, however, has the benefit of a neural implant which can perform the rotation operation as fast as the computer in the previous example. The agent must still choose which internal resource to use (the implant or the good old fashioned mental rotation), as each resource makes different demands on attention and other concurrent brain activity.

How much cognition is present in these cases? We suggest that all three cases are similar. Case (3) with the neural implant seems clearly to be on a par with case (1). And case (2) with the rotation button displays the same sort of computational structure as case (3), although it is distributed across agent and computer instead of

internalized within the agent. If the rotation in case (3) is cognitive, by what right do we count case (2) as fundamentally different? We cannot simply point to the skin/skull boundary as justification, since the legitimacy of that boundary is precisely what is at issue. But nothing else seems different.

The kind of case just described is by no means as exotic as it may at first appear. It is not just the presence of advanced external computing resources which raises the issue, but rather the general tendency of human reasoners to lean heavily on environmental supports. Thus consider the use of pen and paper to perform long multiplication (McClelland et al 1986, Clark 1989), the use of physical re-arrangements of letter tiles to prompt word recall in Scrabble (Kirsh 1995), the use of instruments such as the nautical slide rule (Hutchins 1995), and the general paraphernalia of language, books, diagrams, and culture. In all these cases the individual brain performs some operations, while others are delegated to manipulations of external media. Had our brains been different, this distribution of tasks would doubtless have varied.

In fact, even the mental rotation cases described in scenarios (1) and (2) are real. The cases reflect options available to players of the computer game Tetris. In Tetris, falling geometric shapes must be rapidly directed into an appropriate slot in an emerging structure. A rotation button can be used. David Kirsh and Paul Maglio (1994) calculate that the physical rotation of a shape through 90 degrees takes about 100 milliseconds, plus about 200 milliseconds to select the button. To achieve the same result by mental rotation takes about 1000 milliseconds. Kirsh and Maglio go on to present compelling evidence that physical rotation is used not just to position a shape ready to fit a slot, but often to help determine whether the shape and the slot are compatible. The latter use constitutes a case of what Kirsh and Maglio call an `epistemic action’. Epistemic actions alter the world so as to aid and augment cognitive processes such as recognition and search. Merely pragmatic actions, by contrast, alter the world because some physical change is desirable for its own sake (e.g., putting cement into a hole in a dam).

Epistemic action, we suggest, demands spread of epistemic credit. If, as we confront some task, a part of the world functions as a process which, were it done in the head, we would have no hesitation in recognizing as part of the cognitive process, then that part of the world is (so we claim) part of the cognitive process. Cognitive processes ain’t (all) in the head!

3 Active Externalism

In these cases, the human organism is linked with an external entity in a two-way interaction, creating a coupled system that can be seen as a cognitive system in its own right. All the components in the system play an active causal role, and they jointly govern behavior in the same sort of way that cognition usually does. If we remove the external component the system’s behavioral competence will drop, just as it would if we removed part of its brain. Our thesis is that this sort of coupled process counts equally well as a cognitive process, whether or not it is wholly in the head.

This externalism differs greatly from standard variety advocated by Putnam (1975) and Burge (1979). When I believe that water is wet and my twin believes that twin water is wet, the external features responsible for the difference in our beliefs are distal and historical, at the other end of a lengthy causal chain. Features of the present are not relevant: if I happen to be surrounded by XYZ right now (maybe I have teleported to Twin Earth), my beliefs still concern standard water, because of my history. In these cases, the relevant external features are passive. Because of their distal nature, they play no role in driving the cognitive process in the here-and-now. This is reflected by the fact that the actions performed by me and my twin are physically indistinguishable, despite our external differences.

In the cases we describe, by contrast, the relevant external features are active, playing a crucial role in the here-and-now. Because they are coupled with the human organism, they have a direct impact on the organism and on its behavior. In these cases, the relevant parts of the world are in the loop, not dangling at the other end of a long causal chain. Concentrating on this sort of coupling leads us to an active externalism, as opposed to the passive externalism of Putnam and Burge.

Many have complained that even if Putnam and Burge are right about the externality of content, it is not clear that these external aspects play a causal or explanatory role in the generation of action. In counterfactual cases where internal structure is held constant but these external features are changed, behavior looks just the same; so internal structure seems to be doing the crucial work. We will not adjudicate that issue here, but we note that active externalism is not threatened by any such problem. The external features in a coupled system play an ineliminable role – if we retain internal structure but change the external features, behavior may change completely. The external features here are just as causally relevant as typical internal features of the brain.[*]

*[[Much of the appeal of externalism in the philosophy of mind may stem from the intuitive appeal of active externalism. Externalists often make analogies involving external features in coupled systems, and appeal to the arbitrariness of boundaries between brain and environment. But these intuitions sit uneasily with the letter of standard externalism. In most of the Putnam/Burge cases, the immediate environment is irrelevant; only the historical environment counts. Debate has focused on the question of whether mind must be in the head, but a more relevant question in assessing these examples might be: is mind in the present?]]

By embracing an active externalism, we allow a more natural explanation of all sorts of actions. One can explain my choice of words in Scrabble, for example, as the outcome of an extended cognitive process involving the rearrangement of tiles on my tray. Of course, one could always try to explain my action in terms of internal processes and a long series of “inputs” and “actions”, but this explanation would be needlessly complex. If an isomorphic process were going on in the head, we would feel no urge to characterize it in this cumbersome way.[*] In a very real sense, the re-arrangement of tiles on the tray is not part of action; it is part of thought.

*[[Herbert Simon (1981) once suggested that we view internal memory as, in effect, an external resource upon which "real" inner processes operate. "Search in memory," he comments, "is not very different from search of the external environment." Simon's view at least has the virtue of treating internal and external processing with the parity they deserve, but we suspect that on his view the mind will shrink too small for most people's tastes. ]]

The view we advocate here is reflected by a growing body of research in cognitive science. In areas as diverse as the theory of situated cognition (Suchman 1987), studies of real-world-robotics (Beer 1989), dynamical approaches to child development (Thelen and Smith 1994), and research on the cognitive properties of collectives of agents (Hutchins 1995), cognition is often taken to be continuous with processes in the environment.[*] Thus, in seeing cognition as extended one is not merely making a terminological decision; it makes a significant difference to the methodology of scientific investigation. In effect, explanatory methods that might once have been thought appropriate only for the analysis of “inner” processes are now being adapted for the study of the outer, and there is promise that our understanding of cognition will become richer for it.

Some find this sort of externalism unpalatable. One reason may be that many identify the cognitive with the conscious, and it seems far from plausible that consciousness extends outside the head in these cases. But not every cognitive process, at least on standard usage, is a conscious process. It is widely accepted that all sorts of processes beyond the borders of consciousness play a crucial role in cognitive processing: in the retrieval of memories, linguistic processes, and skill acquisition, for example. So the mere fact that external processes are external where consciousness is internal is no reason to deny that those processes are cognitive.

More interestingly, one might argue that what keeps real cognition processes in the head is the requirement that cognitive processes be portable. Here, we are moved by a vision of what might be called the Naked Mind: a package of resources and operations we can always bring to bear on a cognitive task, regardless of the local environment. On this view, the trouble with coupled systems is that they are too easily decoupled. The true cognitive processes are those that lie at the constant core of the system; anything else is an add-on extra.

There is something to this objection. The brain (or brain and body) comprises a package of basic, portable, cognitive resources that is of interest in its own right. These resources may incorporate bodily actions into cognitive processes, as when we use our fingers as working memory in a tricky calculation, but they will not encompass the more contingent aspects of our external environment, such as a pocket calculator. Still, mere contingency of coupling does not rule out cognitive status. In the distant future we may be able to plug various modules into our brain to help us out: a module for extra short-term memory when we need it, for example. When a module is plugged in, the processes involving it are just as cognitive as if they had been there all along.[*]

*[[Or consider the following passage from a recent science fiction novel (McHugh 1992, p. 213): "I am taken to the system's department where I am attuned to the system. All I do is jack in and then a technician instructs the system to attune and it does. I jack out and query the time. 10:52. The information pops up. Always before I could only access information when I was jacked in, it gave me a sense that I knew what I thought and what the system told me, but now, how do I know what is system and what is Zhang?"]]

Even if one were to make the portability criterion pivotal, active externalism would not be undermined. Counting on our fingers has already been let in the door, for example, and it is easy to push things further. Think of the old image of the engineer with a slide rule hanging from his belt wherever he goes. What if people always carried a pocket calculator, or had them implanted? The real moral of the portability intuition is that for coupled systems to be relevant to the core of cognition, reliable coupling is required. It happens that most reliable coupling takes place within the brain, but there can easily be reliable coupling with the environment as well. If the resources of my calculator or my Filofax are always there when I need them, then they are coupled with me as reliably as we need. In effect, they are part of the basic package of cognitive resources that I bring to bear on the everyday world. These systems cannot be impugned simply on the basis of the danger of discrete damage, loss, or malfunction, or because of any occasional decoupling: the biological brain is in similar danger, and occasionally loses capacities temporarily in episodes of sleep, intoxication, and emotion. If the relevant capacities are generally there when they are required, this is coupling enough.

Moreover, it may be that the biological brain has in fact evolved and matured in ways which factor in the reliable presence of a manipulable external environment. It certainly seems that evolution has favored on-board capacities which are especially

geared to parasitizing the local environment so as to reduce memory load, and even to transform the nature of the computational problems themselves. Our visual systems have evolved to rely on their environment in various ways: they exploit contingent facts about the structure of natural scenes (e.g. Ullman and Richards 1984), for example, and they take advantage of the computational shortcuts afforded by bodily motion and locomotion (e.g. Blake and Yuille, 1992). Perhaps there are other cases where evolution has found it advantageous to exploit the possibility of the environment being in the cognitive loop. If so, then external coupling is part of the truly basic package of cognitive resources that we bring to bear on the world.

Language may be an example. Language appears to be a central means by which cognitive processes are extended into the world. Think of a group of people brainstorming around a table, or a philosopher who thinks best by writing, developing her ideas as she goes. It may be that language evolved, in part, to enable such extensions of our cognitive resources within actively coupled systems.

Within the lifetime of an organism, too, individual learning may have molded the brain in ways that rely on cognitive extensions that surrounded us as we learned. Language is again a central example here, as are the various physical and computational artifacts that are routinely used as cognitive extensions by children in schools and by trainees in numerous professions. In such cases the brain develops in a way that complements the external structures, and learns to play its role within a unified, densely coupled system. Once we recognize the crucial role of the environment in constraining the evolution and development of cognition, we see that extended cognition is a core cognitive process, not an add-on extra.

An analogy may be helpful. The extraordinary efficiency of the fish as a swimming device is partly due, it now seems, to an evolved capacity to couple its swimming behaviors to the pools of external kinetic energy found as swirls, eddies and vortices in its watery environment (see Triantafyllou and G. Triantafyllou 1995). These vortices include both naturally occurring ones (e.g., where water hits a rock) and self-induced ones (created by well-timed tail flaps). The fish swims by building these externally occurring processes into the very heart of its locomotion routines. The fish and surrounding vortices together constitute a unified and remarkably efficient swimming machine.

Now consider a reliable feature of the human environment, such as the sea of words. This linguistic surround envelopes us from birth. Under such conditions, the plastic human brain will surely come to treat such structures as a reliable resource to be factored into the shaping of on-board cognitive routines. Where the fish flaps its tail to set up the eddies and vortices it subsequently exploits, we intervene in multiple linguistic media, creating local structures and disturbances whose reliable presence drives our ongoing internal processes. Words and external symbols are thus paramount among the cognitive vortices which help constitute human thought.

4 From Cognition to Mind

So far we have spoken largely about “cognitive processing”, and argued for its extension into the environment. Some might think that the conclusion has been bought too cheaply. Perhaps some processing takes place in the environment, but what of mind? Everything we have said so far is compatible with the view that truly mental states – experiences, beliefs, desires, emotions, and so on – are all determined by states of the brain. Perhaps what is truly mental is internal, after all?

We propose to take things a step further. While some mental states, such as experiences, may be determined internally, there are other cases in which external factors make a significant contribution. In particular, we will argue that beliefs can be constituted partly by features of the environment, when those features play the right sort of role in driving cognitive processes. If so, the mind extends into the world.

First, consider a normal case of belief embedded in memory. Inga hears from a friend that there is an exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art, and decides to go see it. She thinks for a moment and recalls that the museum is on 53rd Street, so she walks to 53rd Street and goes into the museum. It seems clear that Inga believes that the museum is on 53rd Street, and that she believed this even before she consulted her memory. It was not previously an occurrent belief, but then neither are most of our beliefs. The belief was sitting somewhere in memory, waiting to be accessed.

Now consider Otto. Otto suffers from Alzheimer’s disease, and like many Alzheimer’s patients, he relies on information in the environment to help structure his life. Otto carries a notebook around with him everywhere he goes. When he learns new information, he writes it down. When he needs some old information, he looks it up. For Otto, his notebook plays the role usually played by a biological memory. Today, Otto hears about the exhibition at the Museum of Modern Art, and decides to go see it. He consults the notebook, which says that the museum is on 53rd Street, so he walks to 53rd Street and goes into the museum.

Clearly, Otto walked to 53rd Street because he wanted to go to the museum and he believed the museum was on 53rd Street. And just as Inga had her belief even before she consulted her memory, it seems reasonable to say that Otto believed the museum was on 53rd Street even before consulting his notebook. For in relevant respects the cases are entirely analogous: the notebook plays for Otto the same role that memory plays for Inga. The information in the notebook functions just like the information constituting an ordinary non-occurrent belief; it just happens that this information lies beyond the skin.

The alternative is to say that Otto has no belief about the matter until he consults his notebook; at best, he believes that the museum is located at the address in the notebook. But if we follow Otto around for a while, we will see how unnatural this way of speaking is. Otto is constantly using his notebook as a matter of course. It is central to his actions in all sorts of contexts, in the way that an ordinary memory is central in an ordinary life. The same information might come up again and again, perhaps being slightly modified on occasion, before retreating into the recesses of his artificial memory. To say that the beliefs disappear when the notebook is filed away seems to miss the big picture in just the same way as saying that Inga’s beliefs disappear as soon as she is no longer conscious of them. In both cases the information is reliably there when needed, available to consciousness and available to guide action, in just the way that we expect a belief to be.

Certainly, insofar as beliefs and desires are characterized by their explanatory roles, Otto’s and Inga’s cases seem to be on a par: the essential causal dynamics of the two cases mirror each other precisely. We are happy to explain Inga’s action in terms of her occurrent desire to go to the museum and her standing belief that the museum is on 53rd street, and we should be happy to explain Otto’s action in the same way. The alternative is to explain Otto’s action in terms of his occurrent desire to go to the museum, his standing belief that the Museum is on the location written in the notebook, and the accessible fact that the notebook says the Museum is on 53rd Street; but this complicates the explanation unnecessarily. If we must resort to explaining Otto’s action this way, then we must also do so for the countless other actions in which his notebook is involved; in each of the explanations, there will be an extra term involving the notebook. We submit that to explain things this way is to take one step too many. It is pointlessly complex, in the same way that it would be pointlessly complex to explain Inga’s actions in terms of beliefs about her memory. The notebook is a constant for Otto, in the same way that memory is a constant for Inga; to point to it in every belief/desire explanation would be redundant. In an explanation, simplicity is power.

If this is right, we can even construct the case of Twin Otto, who is just like Otto except that a while ago he mistakenly wrote in his notebook that the Museum of Modern Art was on 51st Street. Today, Twin Otto is a physical duplicate of Otto from the skin in, but his notebook differs. Consequently, Twin Otto is best characterized as believing that the museum is on 51st Street, where Otto believes it is on 53rd. In these cases, a belief is simply not in the head.

This mirrors the conclusion of Putnam and Burge, but again there are important differences. In the Putnam/Burge cases, the external features constituting differences in belief are distal and historical, so that twins in these cases produce physically indistinguishable behavior. In the cases we are describing, the relevant external features play an active role in the here-and-now, and have a direct impact on behavior. Where Otto walks to 53rd Street, Twin Otto walks to 51st. There is no question of explanatory irrelevance for this sort of external belief content; it is introduced precisely because of the central explanatory role that it plays. Like the Putnam and Burge cases, these cases involve differences in reference and truth-conditions, but they also involve differences in the dynamics of cognition.[*]

*[[In the terminology of Chalmers' "The Components of Content" (forthcoming): the twins in the Putnam and Burge cases differ only in their relational content, but

Otto and his twin can be seen to differ in their notional content, which is the sort of content that governs cognition. Notional content is generally internal to a cognitive system, but in this case the cognitive system is itself effectively extended to include the notebook.]]

The moral is that when it comes to belief, there is nothing sacred about skull and skin. What makes some information count as a belief is the role it plays, and there is no reason why the relevant role can be played only from inside the body.

Some will resist this conclusion. An opponent might put her foot down and insist that as she uses the term “belief”, or perhaps even according to standard usage, Otto simply does not qualify as believing that the museum is on 53rd Street. We do not intend to debate what is standard usage; our broader point is that the notion of belief ought to be used so that Otto qualifies as having the belief in question. In all important respects, Otto’s case is similar to a standard case of (non-occurrent) belief. The differences between Otto’s case and Inga’s are striking, but they are superficial. By using the “belief” notion in a wider way, it picks out something more akin to a natural kind. The notion becomes deeper and more unified, and is more useful in explanation.

To provide substantial resistance, an opponent has to show that Otto’s and Inga’s cases differ in some important and relevant respect. But in what deep respect are the cases different? To make the case solely on the grounds that information is in the head in one case but not in the other would be to beg the question. If this difference is relevant to a difference in belief, it is surely not primitively relevant. To justify the different treatment, we must find some more basic underlying difference between the two.

It might be suggested that the cases are relevantly different in that Inga has more reliable access to the information. After all, someone might take away Otto’s notebook at any time, but Inga’s memory is safer. It is not implausible that constancy is relevant: indeed, the fact that Otto always uses his notebook played some role in our justifying its cognitive status. If Otto were consulting a guidebook as a one-off, we would be much less likely to ascribe him a standing belief. But in the original case, Otto’s access to the notebook is very reliable – not perfectly reliable, to be sure, but then neither is Inga’s access to her memory. A surgeon might tamper with her brain, or more mundanely, she might have too much to drink. The mere possibility of such tampering is not enough to deny her the belief.

One might worry that Otto’s access to his notebook in fact comes and goes. He showers without the notebook, for example, and he cannot read it when it is dark. Surely his belief cannot come and go so easily? We could get around this problem by redescribing the situation, but in any case an occasional temporary disconnection does not threaten our claim. After all, when Inga is asleep, or when she is intoxicated, we do not say that her belief disappears. What really counts is that the information is easily available when the subject needs it, and this constraint is satisfied equally in the two cases. If Otto’s notebook were often unavailable to him at times when the information in it would be useful, there might be a problem, as the information would not be able to play the action- guiding role that is central to belief; but if it is easily available in most relevant situations, the belief is not endangered.

Perhaps a difference is that Inga has better access to the information than Otto does? Inga’s “central” processes and her memory probably have a relatively high-bandwidth link between them, compared to the low-grade connection between Otto and his notebook. But this alone does not make a difference between believing and not believing. Consider Inga’s museum-going friend Lucy, whose biological memory has only a low-grade link to her central systems, due to nonstandard biology or past misadventures. Processing in Lucy’s case might be less efficient, but as long as the

relevant information is accessible, Lucy clearly believes that the museum is on 53rd Street. If the connection was too indirect – if Lucy had to struggle hard to retrieve the information with mixed results, or a psychotherapist’s aid were needed – we might become more reluctant to ascribe the belief, but such cases are well beyond Otto’s situation, in which the information is easily accessible.

Another suggestion could be that Otto has access to the relevant information only by perception, whereas Inga has more direct access — by introspection, perhaps. In some ways, however, to put things this way is to beg the question. After all, we are in effect advocating a point of view on which Otto’s internal processes and his notebook constitute a single cognitive system. From the standpoint of this system, the flow of information between notebook and brain is not perceptual at all; it does not involve the impact of something outside the system. It is more akin to information flow within the brain. The only deep way in which the access is perceptual is that in Otto’s case, there is a distinctly perceptual phenomenology associated with the retrieval of the information, whereas in Inga’s case there is not. But why should the nature of an associated phenomenology make a difference to the status of a belief? Inga’s memory may have some associated phenomenology, but it is still a belief. The phenomenology is not visual, to be sure. But for visual phenomenology consider the Terminator, from the Arnold Schwarzenegger movie of the same name. When he recalls some information from memory, it is “displayed” before him in his visual field (presumably he is conscious of it, as there are frequent shots depicting his point of view). The fact that standing memories are recalled in this unusual way surely makes little difference to their status as standing beliefs.

These various small differences between Otto’s and Inga’s cases are all shallow differences. To focus on them would be to miss the way in which for Otto, notebook entries play just the sort of role that beliefs play in guiding most people’s lives.

Perhaps the intuition that Otto’s is not a true belief comes from a residual feeling that the only true beliefs are occurrent beliefs. If we take this feeling seriously, Inga’s belief will be ruled out too, as will many beliefs that we attribute in everyday life. This would be an extreme view, but it may be the most consistent way to deny Otto’s belief. Upon even a slightly less extreme view – the view that a belief must be available for consciousness, for example – Otto’s notebook entry seems to qualify just as well as Inga’s memory. Once dispositional beliefs are let in the door, it is difficult to resist the conclusion that Otto’s notebook has all the relevant dispositions.

5 Beyond the Outer Limits

If the thesis is accepted, how far should we go? All sorts of puzzle cases spring to mind. What of the amnesic villagers in 100 Years of Solitude, who forget the names for everything and so hang labels everywhere? Does the information in my Filofax count as part of my memory? If Otto’s notebook has been tampered with, does he believe the newly-installed information? Do I believe the contents of the page in front of me before I read it? Is my cognitive state somehow spread across the Internet?

We do not think that there are categorical answers to all of these questions, and we will not give them. But to help understand what is involved in ascriptions of extended belief, we can at least examine the features of our central case that make the notion so clearly applicable there. First, the notebook is a constant in Otto’s life – in cases where the information in the notebook would be relevant, he will rarely take action without consulting it. Second, the information in the notebook is directly available without

difficulty. Third, upon retrieving information from the notebook he automatically endorses it. Fourth, the information in the notebook has been consciously endorsed at some point in the past, and indeed is there as a consequence of this endorsement.[*] The status of the fourth feature as a criterion for belief is arguable (perhaps one can acquire beliefs through subliminal perception, or through memory tampering?), but the first three features certainly play a crucial role.

*[[The constancy and past-endorsement criteria may suggest that history is partly constitutive of belief. One might react to this by removing any historical component (giving a purely dispositional reading of the constancy criterion and eliminating the past-endorsement criterion, for example), or one might allow such a component as long as the main burden is carried by features of the present.]]

Insofar as increasingly exotic puzzle cases lack these features, the applicability of the notion of “belief” gradually falls off. If I rarely take relevant action without consulting my Filofax, for example, its status within my cognitive system will resemble that of the notebook in Otto’s. But if I often act without consultation – for example, if I sometimes answer relevant questions with “I don’t know” – then information in it counts less clearly as part of my belief system. The Internet is likely to fail on multiple counts, unless I am unusually computer-reliant, facile with the technology, and trusting, but information in certain files on my computer may qualify. In intermediate cases, the question of whether a belief is present may be indeterminate, or the answer may depend on the varying standards that are at play in various contexts in which the question might be asked. But any indeterminacy here does not mean that in the central cases, the answer is not clear.

What about socially extended cognition? Could my mental states be partly constituted by the states of other thinkers? We see no reason why not, in principle. In an unusually interdependent couple, it is entirely possible that one partner’s beliefs will play the same sort of role for the other as the notebook plays for Otto.[*] What is central is a high degree of trust, reliance, and accessibility. In other social relationships these criteria may not be so clearly fulfilled, but they might nevertheless be fulfilled in specific domains. For example, the waiter at my favorite restaurant might act as a repository of my beliefs about my favorite meals (this might even be construed as a case of extended desire). In other cases, one’s beliefs might be embodied in one’s secretary, one’s accountant, or one’s collaborator.[*]

*[[From the New York Times, March 30, 1995, p.B7, in an article on former UCLA basketball coach John Wooden: "Wooden and his wife attended 36 straight Final Fours, and she invariably served as his memory bank. Nell Wooden rarely forgot a name - her husband rarely remembered one - and in the standing-room- only Final Four lobbies, she would recognize people for him."]]

*[[Might this sort of reasoning also allow something like Burge's extended "arthritis" beliefs? After all, I might always defer to my doctor in taking relevant actions concerning my disease. Perhaps so, but there are some clear differences. For example, any extended beliefs would be grounded in an existing active relationship with the doctor, rather than in a historical relationship to a language community. And on the current analysis, my deference to the doctor would tend to yield something like a true belief that I have some other disease in my thigh, rather than the false belief that I have arthritis there. On the other hand, if I used medical experts solely as terminological consultants, the results of Burge's analysis might be mirrored.]]

In each of these cases, the major burden of the coupling between agents is carried by language. Without language, we might be much more akin to discrete Cartesian “inner” minds, in which high-level cognition relies largely on internal resources. But the advent of language has allowed us to spread this burden into the world. Language, thus construed, is not a mirror of our inner states but a complement to them. It serves as a tool whose role is to extend cognition in ways that on-board devices cannot. Indeed, it may be that the intellectual explosion in recent evolutionary time is due as much to this linguistically-enabled extension of cognition as to any independent development in our inner cognitive resources.

What, finally, of the self? Does the extended mind imply an extended self? It seems so. Most of us already accept that the self outstrips the boundaries of consciousness; my dispositional beliefs, for example, constitute in some deep sense part of who I am. If so, then these boundaries may also fall beyond the skin. The information in Otto’s notebook, for example, is a central part of his identity as a cognitive agent. What this comes to is that Otto himself is best regarded as an extended system, a coupling of biological organism and external resources. To consistently resist this conclusion, we would have to shrink the self into a mere bundle of occurrent states, severely threatening its deep psychological continuity. Far better to take the broader view, and see agents themselves as spread into the world.

As with any reconception of ourselves, this view will have significant consequences. There are obvious consequences for philosophical views of the mind and for the methodology of research in cognitive science, but there will also be effects in the moral and social domains. It may be, for example, that in some cases interfering with someone’s environment will have the same moral significance as interfering with their person. And if the view is taken seriously, certain forms of social activity might be reconceived as less akin to communication and action, and as more akin to thought. In any case, once the hegemony of skin and skull is usurped, we may be able to see ourselves more truly as creatures of the world.

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Tool Making and Language Co-Evolve

Neural correlates of Early Stone Age toolmaking: technology, language and cognition in human evolution

ABSTRACT

Keywords: brain, tool, positron emission tomography, Oldowan, Acheulean, Broca’s area

Archaeological and palaeontological evidence from the Early Stone Age (ESA) documents parallel trends of brain expansion and technological elaboration in human evolution over a period of more than 2Myr. However, the relationship between these defining trends remains controversial and poorly understood. Here, we present results from a positron emission tomography study of functional brain activation during experimental ESA (Oldowan and Acheulean) toolmaking by expert subjects. Together with a previous study of Oldowan toolmaking by novices, these results document increased demands for effective visuomotor coordination and hierarchical action organization in more advanced toolmaking. This includes an increased activation of ventral premotor and inferior parietal elements of the parietofrontal praxis circuits in both the hemispheres and of the right hemisphere homologue of Broca’s area. The observed patterns of activation and of overlap with language circuits suggest that toolmaking and language share a basis in more general human capacities for complex, goal-directed action. The results are consistent with coevolutionary hypotheses linking the emergence of language, toolmaking, population-level functional lateralization and association cortex expansion in human evolution.

 

1. INTRODUCTION

Human brains and technology have been coevolving for at least the past 2.6 Myr since the appearance of the first intentionally modified stone tools (Semaw et al. 1997).           Roughly 90% of this time span, from 2.6 to 0.25 Myr ago, is encompassed by the Early Stone Age (ESA; generally known outside Africa as the Lower Palaeolithic). This period witnessed a technological progression from simple ‘Oldowan’ stone chips to skilfully shaped ‘Acheulean’ cutting tools, as well as a nearly threefold increase in hominin brain size (figure 1). These parallel trends of brain expansion and technological elaboration are defining features of human evolution, yet the relationship between them remains controversial and poorly understood (Gibson & Ingold 1993Ambrose 2001Wynn 2002Stout 2006). This is largely due to a lack of information regarding the cognitive and neural foundations of technological behaviour. From this evolutionary perspective, understanding the brain bases of complex tool-use and toolmaking emerges as a key issue for cognitive neuroscience (Johnson-Frey 2003Iriki 2005).

 

Figure 1
Early Stone Age (a) technological and (b) biological change. Elements drawn after Klein (1999).

Ongoing research with macaques (Maravita & Iriki 2004) and humans (Frey et al. 2005Johnson-Frey et al. 2005) has identified putatively homologous parietofrontal prehension circuits supporting simple, unimanual tool use in both the species. Building on this work, a recent fluorodeoxyglucose positron emission tomography (FDG-PET) study of Oldowan toolmaking in technologically naive modern humans (Stout & Chaminade 2007) documented reliance on one such anterior parietal–ventral premotor grasp system as well as additional sensorimotor and posterior parietal activations related to the distinctive demands of this uniquely hominin skill. Of particular interest was the bilateral recruitment of human visual specializations (Orban et al. 2006) in the dorsal intraparietal sulcus (IPS). In contrast, there was no observed activation of prefrontal cortex (PFC).

These results suggest that evolved parietofrontal circuits enhancing sensorimotor adaptation, rather than higher level prefrontal action planning systems, were central to early ESA technological evolution. This is consistent with the fossil evidence of expanded posterior parietal lobes but relatively primitive prefrontal lobes in hominins leading up to the appearance of the first stone tools (Holloway et al. 2004). However, this study of novice toolmakers did not address expert performance. Subjects learned to detach sharp-edged stone flakes in a least-effort fashion, but did not replicate the well-controlled, systematic and productive flaking seen at many Oldowan sites (e.g. Semaw 2000Delagnes & Roche 2005). Such skilled Oldowan flaking might hypothetically involve strategic elements and neural substrates not implicated in novice toolmaking.

This is even more probable with respect to the more complex Acheulean toolmaking techniques that began to develop after ca 1.7 Myr ago.

Oldowan toolmaking involves the production of sharp-edged flakes by striking one stone (the core) with another (the hammerstone). Effective flake detachment minimally requires visuomotor coordination and evaluation of core morphology (e.g. angles, surfaces) so that forceful blows may reliably be directed to appropriate targets. Skilled flake production, in which many flakes are removed from a single core, potentially adds a strategic element because successive flake removals leave ‘scars’ which may be used to prospectively create and/or maintain favourable flaking surfaces. If such strategizing is important to skilled Oldowan toolmaking, one might expect an increased recruitment of prefrontal action planning and execution systems (Passingham & Sakai 2004Ridderinkhof et al. 2004Petrides 2005), including anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and dorsolateral prefrontal cortex (dlPFC), in which activity is modulated by the complexity of motor planning tasks (Dagher et al. 1999). Expert familiarity with objects and actions involved in the toolmaking task might also be reflected in the activation of the left inferior parietal lobe (IPL), a region commonly activated in tasks involving familiar tools (Lewis 2006), including pantomime, action planning and action evaluation. The left posterior IPL in particular may be associated with the representation of stored motor programmes for familiar tool-use skills (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005). The activation of left posterior temporal cortex, commonly associated with semantic knowledge of tools and tool-use (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005Lewis 2006), might be expected for similar reasons.

Putatively strategic task elements are greatly expanded in Acheulean toolmaking, which requires the intentional shaping of the core to achieve a predetermined form (figure 2). The prototypical Acheulean artefact is the so-called ‘hand axe’, a more-or-less symmetrical, teardrop-shaped tool well suited for butchery and other heavy duty cutting tasks (Schick & Toth 1993). Although initially quite crude, by the later ESA (less than 0.5 Myr ago) these tools achieved a level of refinement indicative of advanced toolmaking skills (Edwards 2001) and perhaps even of aesthetic concerns beyond the purely utilitarian. Such later Acheulean forms were the focus of the current study, providing maximum contrast with the Oldowan toolmaking task.

Figure 2
Acheulean toolmaking. Elements drawn after Inizan et al. (1999).

One common Acheulean toolmaking method known from prehistory (Toth 2001) is the production of hand axes on large (greater than 20 cm) flake ‘blanks’ struck from boulder cores. Subsequent shaping of the tool involves three overlapping stages of flaking, as described in Stout et al. (2006). First, a relatively large, dense hammerstone is used to create a regular edge around the perimeter of the blank, centred between the two faces. This ‘roughing out’ stage serves to create viable angles and surfaces for the subsequent removal of large thinning flakes. ‘Primary thinning and shaping’ then aims to reduce the overall thickness of the piece and to begin imposing the desired symmetrical shape. Thinning flakes must be relatively thin and long, travelling at least halfway across the piece in order to reduce thickness in the centre. Prior to each thinning flake removal, intensive, light flaking is done along the perimeter with a smaller hammerstone to steepen, regularize and strengthen the edge. Thinning flakes are then struck using either the hammerstone or a baton of antler, bone or wood, which acts as a ‘soft’ hammer facilitating the removal of thin flakes. The baton is most extensively used in the final stage, ‘secondary thinning and shaping’, which involves more intensive edge preparation through flaking and abrasion/grinding in order to ensure highly controlled flake removals that establish a thin, symmetrical tool with straight and regular edges.

From a toolmaker’s perspective, later Acheulean hand axe making seems much more demanding than Oldowan flaking, requiring (i) greater motor skill and practical understanding of stone fracture (i.e. influence of angles, edges and surfaces), (ii) more elaborate planning including the subordination of immediate goals to long-term objectives (figure 3), and (iii) an increased number of special purpose knapping tools and technical operations. In comparison with Oldowan flaking, later Acheulean toolmaking might thus be expected to produce increased activity in (i) parietofrontal prehension circuits involved in manual perceptual–motor coordination (Rizzolatti et al. 1998Maravita & Iriki 2004Frey et al. 2005), (ii) prefrontal action planning systems potentially including ACC and dlPFC (Dagher et al. 1999Passingham & Sakai 2004Petrides 2005), and (iii) left posterior parietal and temporal cortices associated with semantic representations for the use of familiar tools (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005).

Figure 3
Multi-level organization of Acheulean toolmaking.

In order to test these predictions, we conducted a second FDG-PET study of ESA toolmaking by expert subjects. Unfortunately, stone toolmaking is not a common skill in the modern world, and hence recruitment of expert subjects presents a unique challenge. The current study included three professional archaeologists, each with more than 10 years toolmaking experience. Despite this limited sample size, the FDG-PET procedure yielded a large signal to noise ratio sufficient for statistical analysis. Following the methods established in the previous study, brain activation data were collected for two toolmaking tasks: Oldowan flake production and Acheulean hand axe making. As in the previous study, toolmaking tasks were contrasted with a control task consisting of bimanual percussion without flake production. Results from the current study were also contrasted with novice (post-practice) data from the previous study.

2. MATERIAL AND METHODS

(a) Experimental subjects

Three healthy, right-handed subjects (one female) between 30 and 55 years of age participated in the study. The subjects were professional archaeologists with more than 10 years stone toolmaking experience and already familiar with Oldowan and Late Acheulean technologies. All subjects gave informed written consent. The study was performed in accordance with the guidelines from the declaration of Helsinki and was approved by the Human Subjects Committee at Indiana University, Bloomington.

(b) Experimental tasks

Each subject performed three experimental tasks.

  1. Control. Subjects were instructed to forcefully strike together cobbles without attempting to produce flakes. They were given no specific instructions as to the manner in which to strike the stones together. This control was designed to match gross visuomotor elements of the experimental task without involving the elements of percussive accuracy, core rotation and support distinctive to stone toolmaking.
  2. Oldowan toolmaking. On a subsequent day, the subjects were instructed to produce ‘Oldowan-style’ flakes from the cobbles from the cart. They were instructed to focus on the production of flakes that would be ‘useful for cutting’, rather than on the shape of the residual cores. No further instructions regarding toolmaking methods were given.
  3. Acheulean toolmaking. On a third day, the subjects were instructed to make one or more ‘typical Late Acheulean’ hand axes, as time permitted. Obsidian flake blanks were provided on the cart. The relatively large blanks were supported on the left thigh rather than held in the hand (figure 2). Nevertheless, the left hand played a key role in manipulating, orienting and stabilizing the blank. Stone working tools are highly personal items to which individuals become accustomed, and subjects were allowed to use their own tools, including hammerstones, antler batons and protective pads for the thigh. Tools were standardized in the sense that each subject used those they were familiar with, rather than each using the same (unfamiliar) tools.

The subjects performed all tasks comfortably seated on a chair with an array of stone raw materials available within easy reach on a cart to their left. The selection of materials from those provided was a component of all tasks. Cobbles were collected at a gravel quarry in Martinsville, IN, and included a range of sizes, shapes and materials, primarily limestone, quartzite and variously metamorphosed basalt (e.g. greenstone). Obsidian blanks had previously been struck from a discoidal boulder core, but were otherwise unmodified.

(c) Functional imaging

The use of the relatively slowly decaying radiological tracer 18fluoro-2-deoxyglucose ([18F]FDG) allowed for naturalistic task performance outside the confines of the scanner. A venous catheter to administer the tracer was inserted in a vein of the foot. Thirty seconds after the condition started, a 10-mCi bolus of [18F]FDG, produced on-site, was injected. Each task was performed for 40 min, well past the tracer uptake period, and was followed by a 45 min PET scanning session.

Whole brain FDG-PET imaging was performed using an ECAT 951/31 PET scanner (Siemens Medical Systems, Inc., Hoffman Estates, IL) at the Indiana University School of Medicine, Department of Radiology. Sixty-three continuous 128×128 transaxial images with a slice thickness of 2.43 mm and an in-plane axial resolution of 2.06 mm (field of view: 263.68×263.68×153.09 mm3) were acquired simultaneously with collimating septa retracted operating in a three-dimensional mode. The correction for attenuation was made using a transmission scan collected at the end of each session.

(d) Image analysis

Images were reconstructed and analysed using standard SPM2 procedures. For each subject, images were realigned to the control condition scan, normalized into the Montreal Neurological Institute (MNI) stereotaxic space and smoothed using a 6 mm full-width at half-maximum Gaussian filter convolution. A population main effect model with three conditions (control condition, Oldowan toolmaking and Acheulean toolmaking) from the three subjects was selected, leaving 4 d.f. from nine images. Linear contrasts assessing differences between toolmaking conditions and the control condition were used to create statistical parametric maps. Coordinates are expressed in terms of the MNI template.

In a previous experiment, naive subjects practiced Oldowan toolmaking but did not reach an expert level of performance (details in Stout & Chaminade 2007). A second analysis was performed to investigate the interaction between expertise and toolmaking. A 2×2 factorial design was used, with two within-subject conditions (Oldowan toolmaking and control) and two populations (experts, n=3 and novices from the previous experiment, n=6), leaving 15 d.f. from 18 images. In addition to linear contrasts assessing differences between toolmaking conditions and the control condition in both the populations, we focused on the interaction between the two factors. The interaction contrast ((experts, Oldowan–experts, control)–(novices, Oldowan–novices, control)) revealed areas significantly increased in experts during Oldowan toolmaking compared to control but not in novices during Oldowan toolmaking compared to control. Inclusive masking with the contrast experts, Oldowan–experts, control (p<0.01) was used to ensure directionality of the interaction. The reverse interaction, masked with novices, Oldowan–novices, control was used to reveal areas significantly increased in novices doing Oldowan tools compared to control but not in experts doing Oldowan tools compared to control. All contrasts were thresholded atp<0.001 uncorrected and extent k>5. Reported contrast estimates were recorded at the statistically most significant voxel of the clusters.

(e) Artefact analysis

All artefacts produced during recording sessions were collected. Oldowan artefacts (flakes, cores and fragments) were analysed with respect to typological classification, frequency, technological characteristics, mass, linear dimensions and morphology. Hand axes were analysed with respect to typological classification (i.e. shape), mass and linear dimensions. Statistical analyses were conducted using SPSS.

3. RESULTS

(a) Toolmaking performance

All subjects succeeded in producing characteristic Oldowan and Late Acheulean artefacts. As in actual archaeological assemblages, performance was evaluated on physical characteristics of the artefacts produced. Expert Oldowan toolmaking differed from that of novices (Stout & Chaminade 2007) in the greater number of cores (t′=−5.55; d.f.=4.11; p=0.062) modified during the given time, the greater number of flakes and fragments produced (t′=−4.55; d.f.=2.68; p=0.025), and the greater absolute length (p<0.05) and relative elongation (p<0.05) of flakes produced. Experts were also much more likely to use scars left by previous flakes as a striking surface for further flake removals, as evidenced by the distribution of original, weathered cobble surface (‘cortex’) on flakes (Pearson’s Χ52=42.13, p<0.001). As a result of these differences, the core types (e.g. ‘chopper’, ‘discoid’, ‘polyhedron’; Leakey 1971) produced by experts were more similar to those found at actual Oldowan sites than was the case with novices.

Hand axes produced were also typical of those that might be found in the Late Acheulean, less than 500 kyr ago. Subjects each produced from 1 to 3 hand axes, as shown in table 1. The uniformly high breadth/thickness ratios obtained reflect a high level of refinement.

Table 1

Experimental hand axe attributes.

(b) PET results

Table 2 gives results for the two contrasts of interest: Oldowan toolmaking versus control, and Acheulean toolmaking versus control. Bilateral parietal clusters, in the superior and inferior lobules and in the IPS, overlapped in the two contrasts, as did most of the early visual activities in the posterior occipital cortices (Brodmann areas (BA) 17 and 18). In contrast, differences were found in the higher order visual areas of the occipital (BA 19) and temporal cortices and in the frontal cortex. A large right inferior temporal gyrus activation was found for Oldowan toolmaking. Only in the left hemisphere (LH) lateral and ventral precentral gyrii (BA 6) did the activity for the two toolmaking tasks overlap. Oldowan toolmaking was additionally associated with activity in the orbitofrontal cortex, while Acheulean toolmaking yielded a number of additional clusters in the dorsal precentral (BA 6) gyrus bilaterally, particularly strong in the right hemisphere (RH), as well as in the RH ventral precentral (BA 6) and inferior prefrontal (BA 45) cortices. Contrast estimates for the two toolmaking tasks in the RH supramarginal, ventral precentral and inferior prefrontal gyrii are illustrated in figure 4.

Table 2

Location of activated clusters found in contrasts between Oldowan toolmaking and control and between Acheulean toolmaking and control by expert tool knappers. (p<0.001 uncorrected, k>5,n=3.Clusters are organized by cortical regions and 
Figure 4

Main effects of expert toolmaking. (a) Lateral renders of brain activation ((i) left and (ii) right) during expert Acheulean toolmaking (see table 2). (b) Estimates for the contrasts Oldowan versus control and Acheulean versus control at the peak of the 

The second analysis compared the brain activity during Oldowan toolmaking and the control conditions in the experts scanned here to the brain activity in the same tasks scanned in toolmaking novices after they received some training (Stout & Chaminade 2007). The experiments with experts and with novices contained the same conditions, allowing their inclusion in a single multi-group analysis. Trained novices and experts differed in the expertise in toolmaking, but both had prior exposure to Oldowan toolmaking, ruling out a response to novelty and surprise in novices. A network of occipital, parietal and frontal areas was found in the contrasts between Oldowan toolmaking and control for the two populations, listed in the electronic supplementary material, table 1. Most occipital activations overlapped, with the exceptions of some ventral clusters (right fusiform and left lingual gyrii) and the right parieto-occipital sulcus. In the frontal cortex, there were more activated clusters in novices than in experts, though the left ventral precentral gyrus cluster was reported in table 1 for Oldowan toolmaking. There was a posterior shift in one of the superior parietal clusters (from xyz=24, −46, 60 in novices to 24, −72, 58 in experts) as well as a bilateral supramarginal gyrus (SMG) activity for experts only (BA 40).

An interaction contrast was used to report areas involved in Oldowan toolmaking in experts only (table 3), revealing activity in the RH occipital cortex and superior parietal lobule and in the SMG bilaterally. These later inferior parietal clusters of activity are shown in figure 5, with contrast estimates showing a significant increase in activity during Oldowan toolmaking compared to control in experts, but not in novices. No clusters survived in the reverse interaction, indicating that there were no brain regions more active in Oldowan toolmaking versus control in novices but not in experts.

Table 3

Location of activated clusters in the interaction between toolmaking and expertise. (The interaction contrast (experts, Oldowan–experts, control)–(novices, Oldowan–novices, control), p<0.001 uncorrected,k>5, was 
Figure 5

Interaction between expertise and toolmaking. (a) Lateral renders of brain activation ((i) left and (ii) right) during expert Oldowan toolmaking (see table 3). (b) Estimates for the contrast Oldowan versus control in novice and expert toolmakers at the 

4. DISCUSSION

Functional imaging research with modern humans cannot directly reveal the cognitive capacities or neural organization of extinct hominin species, but can clarify the relative demands of specific, evolutionarily significant behaviours. Used in conjunction with archaeological (Ambrose 2001Wynn 2002), fossil (Holloway et al. 2004) and comparative (Passingham 1998Rilling 2006) evidence, such information helps to constrain hypotheses about human cognitive and brain evolution. The results of the current study provide evidence of increased sensorimotor and cognitive demands related to the changing nature of expert performance (cf. Kelly & Garavan 2005) and to the complexity of toolmaking methods, and suggest important relationships between ESA technological change and evolving hominin brain size, functional lateralization and language capacities.

(a) Expert Oldowan toolmaking

As expected, expertise was associated with increased IPL activation during Oldowan toolmaking. However, contrary to expectation, this activation was strongly bilateral. This was surprising given the substantial imaging evidence of LH dominance for tasks involving familiar tools, regardless of the hand involved (Lewis 2006), as well as the strong association of ideomotor apraxia with lesions of the LH (Johnson-Frey 2004). Indeed, the left IPL activation is commonly reported for tasks involving manipulable objects and fine finger movements (Grezes & Decety 2001Lewis 2006), and is thought to reflect a role in the visuospatial coding of moving limbs (i.e. the ‘body schema’; Chaminade et al. 2005) and/or storage of internal models for planning object-related movements (i.e. ‘action schemas’; Buxbaumet al. 2005).

Stored tool-use action schemas could engage the posterior regions of IPL (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005), whereas an anterior part would respond to action possibilities relative to tools (Kellenbach et al. 2003). Increased left IPL recruitment during expert Oldowan toolmaking is located in this more anterior region. This activation clearly relates to greater task familiarity in experts, and may reflect reliance on visuospatial body schemas that incorporate (Maravita & Iriki 2004) the handheld core and hammerstone. It would also be consistent with the hypothesis that regions adjoining human anterior IPS are involved in the storage of visuospatial properties associated with tool manipulation (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005). Combined with the observed right superior parietal lobule activity and a lack of any significant increase in the temporal cortex activity, these results indicate that expert Oldowan toolmaking performance depends more upon enhanced sensorimotor representations of the tool+body system than upon stored action semantics of the kind recruited by normal subjects planning the use of everyday tools (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005).

The right SMG activation in expert Oldowan toolmaking, although unexpected, most probably relates to the naturalistic task design. LH dominance is generally less pronounced during actual tool-use action execution than during more ‘conceptual’ imagery or planning tasks (Lewis 2006), and this has been reported for SMG specifically (Johnson-Frey et al. 2005). Bilateral SMG activation in the current study is thus consistent with the conclusion that expert performance is supported by an enhanced knowledge of the action properties of the tool+body system, rather than semantic knowledge about appropriate patterns of tool use. Bilateral activation is also likely to reflect a manual laterality effect similar to that seen in primary motor and sensory cortices, with right SMG contributing to the important action of the left hand supporting and orienting the core. This initially appears contrary to the well-documented phenomenon of motor equivalence seen in studies of handwriting (Rijntjes et al. 1999Wing 2000) in which secondary sensorimotor cortices for the dominant hand are activated regardless of the effector used (e.g. toe, non-dominant hand). However, the role of the non-dominant hand in Oldowan toolmaking is not simply to execute gestures more typically done with the dominant hand but rather to properly position and support the core to receive the action of the dominant hand. The task is inherently bimanual, with distinct but complementary roles for the two hands.

A similar bimanual organization may be seen in many naturalistic human tool-using actions, such as sweeping, shovelling, threading a needle, striking a match or cutting paper with scissors, in which the non-dominant hand provides a steady spatial ‘frame’ for the higher frequency action of the dominant hand (MacNeilage et al. 1984Guiard 1987). This characteristic division of labour probably reflects hemispheric specializations, with the stable support role of the left hand mapping onto well-known RH specializations for visuospatial processing, particularly at larger spatio-temporal scales (Gazzaniga 2000), and specifically including the activation of right SMG in visuospatial decision making (Stephan et al. 2003).

That bilateral SMG activation emerges in expert compared to novice toolmakers suggests that proper bimanual coordination, and particularly the left-hand support role, develops only after substantial practice. Novices instead appear focused on the more rapid percussive movements of the right hand, supported by LH parietofrontal prehension circuits. This different approach to the task probably explains major diff-erences in the performance of novices and experts. In comparison to novices, expert toolmakers were able to remove more and larger flakes from cores, and thus to generate heavily worked artefacts similar to those found at actual Oldowan sites. Larger, longer flakes travel further across core surfaces and leave relatively flat scars and acute angles on the core rather than the rounded edges typical of novice performance (Stout & Chaminade 2007). Consistent success in large flake detachment thus tends to produce advantageous morphology for further flake removals without the need for explicit and detailed planning by the toolmaker.

It had been hypothesized that such action sequences might involve a strategic element similar to that assessed by neuropsychological tests of motor planning (Dagher et al. 1999), and supported by similar prefrontal action planning and execution systems. This does not appear to be the case (table 3; electronic supplementary material, table 1). The current results instead support the idea that expert Oldowan toolmaking is enabled by greater sensorimotor control for effective flake detachment, supported by enhanced representations of the body+tool system and particularly of the larger scale spatio-temporal ‘frame’ provided by the RH–left-hand system. This is consistent with ethnographic accounts emphasizing the perceptual–motor foundations of many strategic regularities in stone toolmaking action organization (Stout 2002Roux & David 2005).

(b) Late Acheulean toolmaking

The most striking result of the comparison between expert Oldowan and Late Acheulean toolmaking was an increase in the RH activity, including both SMG and new clusters in the right ventral premotor cortex (PMv, BA 6) and the inferior prefrontal gyrus (BA 45) (table 2figure 5). This probably reflects an increasingly critical role for the RH–left-hand system in hand axe production as well as the involvement of more complex and protracted technical action sequences (cf. Hartmann et al. 2005). The increased right SMG activation extends the trend seen in expert Oldowan knapping and is best interpreted as reflecting further increases in the importance of visuospatial representations of the tool+body system in this task. Similarly, the novel activation of the right PMv may be attributed to increased motor demands relating to the manipulation, support and precise orientation of the larger Acheulean hand axe. Precise and forceful left-hand grips become increasingly critical as the piece is thinned in order to absorb shock and prevent accidental breakage, a concern that is much less salient in Oldowan knapping.

The activation of right inferior PFC (BA 45) during Acheulean toolmaking is of particular interest because PFC lies at the top of the brain’s sensory and motor hierarchies (Passingham et al. 2000) and plays a central role in coordinating flexible, goal-directed behaviour (Ridderinkhof et al. 2004). Thus, PFC activation during hand axe production probably reflects greater demands for complex action regulation in this task. Ventrolateral PFC (vlPFC) in particular (including BA 45) seems to be involved in associating perceptual cues with the actions or choices they specify (Passingham et al. 2000), particularly when these actions are subordinate elements within ongoing, hierarchically structured action sequences (Koechlin & Jubault 2006). This underlying function may help explain the apparent overlap of language and praxis circuits in the inferior prefrontal gyrus. It is also consistent with the distinctive technical requirements of hand axe making, which include the skilful coordination of perception and action in pursuit of higher order goals (figure 3). In contrast, hypothesized dorsolateral PFC and ACC ‘action planning circuit’ activation was not observed. Dorsolateral PFC has been associated with the prospective (Passingham & Sakai 2004) monitoring and manipulation of information within working memory, and is commonly activated in tasks that separate planning from execution (e.g. Dagher et al. 1999Johnson-Frey et al. 2005). The activation of ventrolateral, but not dorsolateral, PFC indicates that Acheulean toolmaking is distinguished by cognitive demands for the coordination of ongoing, hierarchically organized action sequences rather than the internal rehearsal and evaluation of action plans.

The localization of vlPFC activation to RH probably reflects demands for such action coordination that are particular to the left-hand core support and manipulation aspect of the task. This is consistent with the general task structure of stone knapping in which the RH/left-hand system provides goal-directed contextual ‘frames’ modulating the functionality of relatively rapid, and repetitive percussive actions by the LH–right-hand system. Parietofrontal (inferior parietal–ventral premotor) praxis circuits are activated bilaterally; however, increased requirements for cognitive control in the RH–left-hand system specifically may explain the exclusive activation of right vlPFC. Such localization of cognitive control to the same hemisphere as task execution has previously been reported in a visuospatial decision task (Stephan et al. 2003).

As in Oldowan knapping, lateralized patterns of brain activation and manual task organization probably relate to hemispheric specializations. For example, the right vlPFC is thought to play a dominant role in response inhibition and task-set switching (Aron et al. 2004). These abilities are critical to successful hand axe production, which involves frequent and highly flexible shifts between different technical operations and goals (e.g. platform preparation, bifacial edging, thinning) as well as the continual rejection of immediately attractive opportunities in favour of actions serving longer term objectives. Perhaps for similar reasons, lesion studies indicate an important RH contribution to the successful completion of multi-step mechanical problems (Hartmann et al. 2005). The increasingly anterior and RH-dominant frontal activation during Late Acheulean toolmaking reflects the more complex, multi-level structure of the task (figure 3), which includes the flexible iteration of multi-step processes in the context of larger scale technical goals. This characterization further invites comparison with the hierarchy of phonological-, syntactic-, semantic- and discourse-level processing that is characteristic of human linguistic behaviour (Hagoort 2005Rose 2006).

(c) Tools, language and laterality in human evolution

Hypotheses linking language and tool-use have typically focused on the LH and its contributions to rapid, sequential and hierarchically organized behaviour (e.g. Greenfield 1991Corballis 2003). This reflects a widespread perception of LH dominance for both language and praxis. However, it is well known that the RH plays an important role in language processing, particularly with respect to larger scale phenomena such as metaphor, figurative language, connotative meaning, prosody and discourse comprehension (Bookheimer 2002). Similarly, it is becoming apparent that the RH contributes substantially to elements of perception and action on larger spatio-temporal scales, including perceptual grouping (Gazzaniga 2000), task-set switching and inhibition (Aron et al. 2004), decision making in ambiguous situations (Goel et al. 2007), and naturalistic tasks involving multiple steps and objects (Hartmann et al. 2005). Bilateral activations observed during ESA toolmaking reflect multiple levels of overlap with cortical language circuits and suggest potential evolutionary interactions.

The anterior premotor cortex shares important functional and connectional characteristics with posterior PFC (Petrides 2005) and appears to play a role in phonological processing (Bookheimer 2002Hagoort 2005). The activation of left anterior PMv during novice (Stout & Chaminade 2007) and expert Oldowan knapping corroborates the existing evidence of overlap between manual praxis and language processing (Hamzei et al. 2003Rizzolatti & Craighero 2004), and may reflect an underlying role for this region in sensorimotor unification (Hagoort 2005) and conditional response selection (Petrides 2005) across modalities. Overlapping phonological and manual control in PMv is consistent with motor hypotheses of language origins linking manual coordination with evolving capacities for speech production (Kimura 1979MacNeilage et al. 1984Lieberman 2002). The specific recruitment of this region during Oldowan knapping provides a direct connection with evidence of hominin toolmaking skills going back 2.6 Myr. This suggests an alternative or addition to the emphasis placed on intransitive gestures and manual proto-language in many recent evolutionary scenarios (e.g. Rizzolatti & Arbib 1998Corballis 2003), insofar as selection on toolmaking ability could also have indirectly contributed to the enhanced articulatory control so central to human language evolution (Studdert-Kennedy & Goldstein 2003).

Brain activation during hand axe making further indicates reliance on increasingly anterior and right lateralized PFC in a region also associated with discourse-level prosodic and contextual language processing (Bookheimer 2002). It is likely that the common denominator in these technical and linguistic tasks is their requirement for the coordination of behavioural elements into hierarchically structured sequences (Greenfield 1991Koechlin & Jubault 2006) on the basis of contextual information integrated over relatively long time spans (cf. Bookheimer 2002). Archaeological evidence of ESA technological change thus traces a trajectory of ever more skill-intensive, bimanual toolmaking methods that overlap functionally and anatomically with important elements of the human faculty for language. This trend further coincides with the emergence of population-level manual lateralization (Steele & Uomini 2005) and the dramatic expansion of prefrontal and parieto-temporal association cortices (Holloway et al. 2004Rilling 2006). Such correlations cannot demonstrate the direction of evolutionary cause and effect, but do suggest important interactions.

(d) Conclusions

Results presented here provide further evidence of the value of the archaeological record of technological change in understanding human cognitive evolution (Wynn 2002). More specifically, they document a trend of increasingly sophisticated hominin engagement with materials in ESA toolmaking, supported by neurally based capacities for effective visuomotor coordination and hierarchical action organization. Neural circuits supporting ESA toolmaking partially overlap with language circuits, strongly suggesting that these behaviours share a foundation in more general human capacities for complex, goal-directed action and are likely to have evolved in a mutually reinforcing way. These trends and relationships are consistent with archaeological, palaeontological and comparative evidence of emerging population-level functional lateralization and association cortex expansion in human evolution.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We gratefully thank Colin Renfrew, Chris Frith and Lambros Malfouris for organizing the Sapient Mind conference, and all the participants for their lively and helpful discussion. We are particularly grateful to Scott Frey for his comments on a draft of this paper (although all remaining errors are ours alone) and to Kevin Perry and Susan Geiger of the Indiana University PET Imaging Center. Funding was provided by the Stone Age Institute.

SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIAL

Supplementary Table 1:

Location of activated clusters found in contrasts between Oldowan toolmaking and control

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Lawrence Ferlinghetti: Time of Useful Consciousness: Excerpts Interview & Review

Lawrence Ferlinghetti

 

Lawrence Ferlinghetti: Time of Useful Consciousness

Ferlinghetti bio

Interview with Michael Silverblatt on KCRW-FM (89.9),  “Bookworm,”

 

We always like to return to Whitman one of the poets with whom Sri Aurobindo’s concludes his Future Poetry.  Fittingly Ferlinghetti on his journey to the West concludes by invoking Whitman whose oracular voice echoes through the bohemians and the beats from the east village to north beach, it is here given over in what will surely be one of last great exhalations from a founding member of that generation (al)

Here are some westward excerpts from Ferlinghetti’s Time of Useful Consciousness:

In the hinter nation
that stretches westward from Manhatten
autumn finds the people restless
Across iron cities
cement plains and silted rivers
Across Appalachia
Across Ohio
(first western fonder)
And down into it
down into middle America
hinter America

So that sailing westward
from the crenellated old world
of over age Camembert Europe
millions washing up on virgin shores
bright with promise

Heading west a state of mind
moving west by myriad rutted routes
where a man can stake as much land
as he can ride across before sundown
foraging the far horizon
for the ultimate Eldorado
including dust bowl Okies and Tom Joad
trampling down his Grapes of Wrath with words
“Wherever they’s a fight so hungry people can eat
I’ll be there.
Whenever there’s a cop beating ‘up a guy, I’ll be there…..”

“Go West young man
and grow up with a country!”
The great trek west
a sea of people on the move…..

Doldrums dreams hallucinations
Conscience and consciousness
of a new born nation
half-mibled in sleep

….

And Huck Finn Tom Sawyer’s hero
leading the only free life
and on the last page of Huckleberry Finn
their hero Huck disappears forever
from their horizon
but lives on in the West
in a thousand photocopies
like Neal Cassady becoming Kerouac’s Huck

….

And though the Kali yuga threatens to thwart our journey West fortunately Ferlinghetii has grown tired of the desperate situation and sends in two redeemers Smoky the Bear and Walt Whitman come to deliver us, for in the face of the forest fires of the Kali Yuga (al)

Dark Mind dark soul dark age
A man made of steel
on a horse of gold
and the horse hitched to a parries wagon
,,,.
The forest fires of the Kali Yuga
about to consume us….

and Smoky the Bear
in his broad Park Rangerr hat
in his raging fury
to save the planet earth
still swings his vajra-shovel
to douse the fires of greed and war
and still chants his great enlightened mantra

But who hears it
as it echoes in the wilderness?

Walt Whitman you should be living at this hour!
Optimist of humanity en masse
Old graybeard—Old Walt
stepping off Brooklyn Ferry
into heart of America
You who contained multitudes
You who heard America singing
You who sounded your barbaric yawp
over roofs of the world
You who said”I’ll whimper up no more”
Out of the closet endlessly rocking
You who struck up for a New World.
“Solitary singing in the West”

Whereaway now, dear poet, dear lover, eternal yea-sayer?

 

Review

Time of Useful Consciousness by Lawrence Ferlinghetti
Reviewed by Gabino Iglesias
When you think of a 93-year-old poet, maybe vivaciousness, constant movement, and strength are not the first words that come to mind. However, that vibrant combination is exactly what poet, publisher, and activist Lawrence Ferlinghetti’s new book, Time of Useful Consciousness, exudes.
The poems in Time of Useful Consciousness are a celebration of America and Americana, but one that keeps its finger pointed at the country’s absurdities, flaws and racism. Westward motion and dreams that don’t wilt despite the presence of great truths are the fuel that Ferlinghetti uses to drag readers through the entire nation at breakneck speed. From Route 66 to seedy Las Vegas and from Iowa to rest of the states kissed by the Mississippi, the “jugular vein of America,” the poet manages to cram the stories and history of the 20th century into less than 100 pages. The densely-packed fragments are eloquent narratives that go beyond their length and somehow summarize the crucial points in U.S. history:
After World War II
it was as if the whole continent tilted westward
and the population shifted with it
and it took almost a decade
for all the elements of a changed America
to come together
to coalesce
in a radically new post-war culture
And it happened in San Francisco
Just like a John Coltrane melody or one of Dave Foster Wallace’s seemingly interminable sentences, Ferlinghetti’s poems rush forward with a self-generated kinetic force that makes the stream-of-consciousness writing flow with the ease of your own thoughts. The result is a collection in which this country’s cultural fabric can be seen taking shape in fast-forward.
Along with events, important people are also present here. Ayn Rand, Muhammad Ali, Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg, Martin Luther King, Bob Dylan, Hunter S. Thompson, Mark Twain, and Timothy Leary are just some of the figures who find themselves in Ferlinghetti’s work. However, people are not always named. Instead, the poet elegantly and seamlessly interweaves borrowed phrases, titles, and quotes into his work. The resulting tributes are sweet literary morsels that reward the attentive reader.
Good poetry paints a picture, but only great poetry can paint a picture that draws you in. In Time of Useful Consciousness, Ferlinghetti achieves this with almost every poem:
Outside, a light rain descends on the city, silencing everything.
It is as if silence itself were contained in the soft rain. Umbrellas
blossom in it. There is a hush along the boulevards as it comes
down. At the Chicago Art Institute silent couples under black um-
brellas stroll out of Caillebotte’s Paris and out onto the boulevard.
They disappear in the rain sweeping in off Lake Michigan. The city
sits silent, rooted, stretched like a huge octopus on the shores of the
lake, its myriad eyes blinking, speechless. Its tentacles railroads…
Beautiful, poignant, and full of sharp honesty, the poems in this collection cut to the heart of what we are. This is a festive narrative, but one that leaves no space for deceit or unfair historical revisions. Time of Useful Consciousness is Ferlinghetti at his best; a definite must-read for anyone who cares about meaningful poetry.
Time of Useful Consciousness
by Lawrence Ferlinghetti
New Directions
90 pp., $14.41 print / $94.50 deluxe edition

Gabino Iglesias is a writer and journalist currently living in Austin, Texas. His work has appeared in The New York Times, the Austin Post, Business TodaySan Antonio MagazineBizarro CentralParagraph Line, Surreal Grotesque, CultureMap AustinDivergent Magazine, MicroHorror, El Nuevo Dia and a few anthologies. He’s also a book reviewer for HorrorTalk, Horrorphilia, Zouch Magazine, Buzzy Mag, Verbicide, the Lovecraft eZine and most recently joined Black Heart Magazine as its new Poetry Editor. He can be reached at gabinoiglesias@gmail.com or via Twitter at @Gabino_Iglesias.

Chomsky’s Trip to Gaza (interview)

 

Noam Chomsky

Chomsky’s trip to Gaza

From Democracy Now

 

 

World-renowned political dissident, linguist, author and MIT professor Noam Chomsky joins us to discuss his recent trip to the Gaza Strip, where he publicly called on Israel to put an end to the blockade on the Hamas-ruled coastal enclave. “[Gaza] is a lesson for people from the West,” Chomsky says. “If they can struggle on under really harsh and brutal conditions, [it] tells us we ought to be doing a lot more.” Chomsky also comments on President Obama’s re-election, saying: “There are two good things about it. One is, the worst didn’t happen, and it might have. The second is, it’s over. So we can put it behind us and get back to work.”

NERMEEN SHAIKH: Israel and Palestinian leaders in Gaza have agreed to a tacit truce following days of violence in the Gaza Strip. At least seven Palestinians, including four civilians, have been killed in Israeli attacks on Gaza since Saturday. Eight Israeli civilians have also been wounded by Palestinian rockets. The temporary ceasefire was brokered by the Egyptian government, but both sides say they’re prepared to resume attacks if it fails.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, on Sunday, I spoke about the situation in Gaza with the world-renowned political dissident, linguist, author, MIT professor, Noam Chomsky. He was speaking in Princeton at the 32nd anniversary of the Coalition of Peace Action. Noam Chomsky recently returned from his first visit to Gaza, which he entered from the Egyptian side of the Rafah Crossing as a member of an academic delegation attending a conference at Gaza’s Islamic University. This is Noam Chomsky talking about his experience there.

NOAM CHOMSKY: It’s kind of amazing and inspiring to see people managing somehow to survive in—as essentially caged animals and subject to constant, random, sadistic punishment only to humiliate them, no pretext. They’re—Israel and the United States keep them alive, basically. They don’t want them to starve to death. But the life is set up so that you can’t have a dignified, decent life. In fact, one of the words you hear most often is “dignity.” They would like to have dignified lives. And the standard Israeli position is they shouldn’t raise their heads. And it’s a pressure cooker, could blow up. You know, people can’t live like that forever.

AMY GOODMAN: You described it in a piece you wrote as an “open-air prison.”

NOAM CHOMSKY: It’s an open-air prison. As soon as you—you know, we’ve all been in jail for civil disobedience and so on. The overwhelming feeling everyone gets is somebody else is in total control of you. There’s an arbitrary authority who can control anything you do. Stand up, sit down, you know, find something to eat, go to the bathroom—whatever it may be, they all determine it; you can’t do anything. Now that’s basically what it’s like living there. And, you know, there’s—people find ways to adapt, but it’s just a constant—it’s constant subjugation to an external force, which has no purpose except to humiliate you. Of course, they have pretexts—everybody has pretexts—but they don’t make any sense.

AMY GOODMAN: This was the first time you were there, though you’ve written about this for decades.

NOAM CHOMSKY: I’ve written about it forever, and I’ve tried to get in a couple of times from the Israeli side, but couldn’t—it was always closed. So this is the first time I made it, and came through Egypt.

AMY GOODMAN: And how hard was it to get through from Egypt?

NOAM CHOMSKY: There’s a lot of bureaucratic hassles, and the border is still apparently controlled by the Mukhabarat, you know, the old security services who were close to—I mean, they were under Mubarak. They’re close to the Mossad, close to Israeli—to the CIA. And a lot of it—it’s hard to know how much is just bureaucrats trying to make life difficult for you and how much is planned harassment. I mean, for people like us, you know, what does it matter? So we wasted two days. But for the Gazans, it’s no joke. I mean, any—if you want to go through something like passport control, you sit for three hours, while they—doing pointless things. That’s just more humiliation.

AMY GOODMAN: While you were there, the Freedom—another Freedom Flotilla ship tried to get in through from Scandinavia. What was the response on land?

NOAM CHOMSKY: The Estelle. Yeah, we had a—there was a lot of excitement. The people like to—you know, obviously are very happy to know that somebody knows they’re there, and that people are actually willing to risk something, because it’s not a joke, you know, to try to break through. And we had a press conference at the port. And to my amazement, it was actually covered in the most reactionary newspaper in Israel, Sheldon Adelson’s newspaper, Israel Hayom. Look it up. They had a fair report of it, quoted the press conference, even had a clip of it. But for the people there, it’s just a sign: You haven’t forgotten us, you know? Maybe we’ll get out somehow.

AMY GOODMAN: And we’re speaking for the first time after President Obama was just re-elected. Your thoughts?

NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, there are two good things about it. One is, the worst didn’t happen, and it might have. The second is, it’s over. So we can put it behind us and get back to work, exactly what you said today. I mean, the whole electoral extravaganza, in my view, ought to take maybe five minutes of the time of an activist, because it’s a farce. I mean, there are some differences; it’s not zero impact, you know. So you decide, OK, I’m going to deal with it this way—five minutes, finish—now I go back to what matters: the changing of the circumstances so we don’t have to endure things like this every four years.

AMY GOODMAN: And with something like Gaza, what you’ve covered, as you said, forever, what gives you hope?

NOAM CHOMSKY: Well, it’s the usual thing that you see everywhere, that you’ve seen everywhere a lot more than I have: people’s resilience. They just don’t give up. Under the worst conditions, horrendous conditions, people still, you know, fight for their rights and don’t just succumb. And, you know, it’s a lesson for people from the West. I mean, you know, we talk about repression, but, you know, undetectable by comparison with what most people in the world face. And if they can struggle on under really harsh and brutal conditions, tells us we ought to be doing a lot more.

AMY GOODMAN: Professor Noam Chomsky, just back from his first trip to Gaza. This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. Our previous best, Glenn Greenwald, will be speaking at Bard College tonight at 7:30 at Bito Auditorium.

The Theory Generation by Nicholas Dames

Roland Barthes

“Fortunately, I learned Theory on my own and did not sit though a bunch of Semiotics 201 classes to be preached to from the pulpit of French Theory and so have found in Theory a welcome solvent for the totalizing claims that various spiritual paths have made upon myself over the years. However, I can well understand how the literary departments of Yale, Brown and the like became churches for worship at the shrine of deconstruction in the 80s. The following article relates the problems the reification of Theory created for its initiate and the recent spat of realist novels that have attempted to redress the matter. A shout out to TL for bringing this article to my attention (AL):

The Theory Generation

by

NICHOLAS DAMES

from N + 1

books reviewed:

  • Teju Cole. Open City. Random House, 2011.
  • Jennifer Egan. A Visit From the Goon Squad. Knopf, 2010.
  • Jeffrey Eugenides. The Marriage Plot. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2011.
  • Ben Lerner. Leaving the Atocha Station. Coffee House Press, 2011.
  • Sam Lipsyte. The Ask. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010.
  • Lorrie Moore. A Gate at the Stairs. Knopf, 2010.

If you studied the liberal arts in an American college anytime after 1980, you were likely exposed to what is universally called Theory. Perhaps you still possess some recognizable talismans: that copy of The Foucault Reader, with the master’s bald head and piercing eyes emblematic of pure intellection; A Thousand Plateaus with its Escher-lite line-drawing promising the thrills of disorientation; the stark, sickly-gray spine of Adorno’s Negative Dialectics; a stack of little Semiotext(e) volumes bought over time from the now-defunct video rental place. Maybe they still carry a faint whiff of rebellion or awakening, or (at least) late-adolescent disaffection. Maybe they evoke shame (for having lost touch with them, or having never really read them); maybe they evoke disdain (for their preciousness, or their inability to solve tedious adult dilemmas); maybe they’re mute. But chances are that, of those studies, they are what remain. And you can walk into the homes of friends and experience the recognition, wanly amusing or embarrassing, of finding the very same books.

If so, you belong to what might be called the Theory Generation; and it has recently become evident that some of its members have been thinking back on their training. They are doing so, moreover, in a form older than Theory, a form that Theory has done much to denaturalize and demystify (OK, “deconstruct”): the more or less realist novel, which describes individual lives in a fairly linear manner in conventional, if elegant or well-crafted, prose. Take, for instance, the protagonist of Lorrie Moore’s A Gate at the Stairs, a young woman named Tassie raised in rural Wisconsin, who describes the shock of her first term at her state university:

Twice a week a young professor named Thad, dressed in jeans and a tie, stood before a lecture hall of sunned farm kids like me and spoke thrillingly of Henry James’s masturbation of the comma. I was riveted. I had never before seen a man wear jeans with a tie.

The deadpan Midwestern humor, so pointedly stark in its syntax, brilliantly evokes the moment of initiation into Theory: spoken over rather than spoken to, Tassie can only, at least at first, receive Theory as a style. Thad’s read his Eve Sedgwick; Moore clearly alludes to the public controversy surrounding Sedgwick’s “Jane Austen and the Masturbating Girl,” the 1989 MLA paper that became a touchstone for conservative think pieces about the decline of academic literary studies. That episode isn’t available to Tassie, however; for her it’s all just a conversation overheard — which encapsulates the constant state of Theory in the American classroom, where debates with concealed or unnamed interlocutors (Derrida with Marx; Foucault with Hegel) become a cacophony of crossed lines. What is audible to her is intonation, the grain of those theoretical voices. Put less metaphorically: the way professors dress and talk, the stylistic alternatives they offer.

The same admixture of the high theoretical and the personal animates a moment in Jennifer Egan’s A Visit from the Goon Squad:

“What on earth have you got in that backpack?”

It’s Cora, Lou’s travel agent. She hates Mindy, but Mindy doesn’t take it personally — it’s Structural Hatred, a term she coined herself and is finding highly useful on this trip. A single woman in her forties who wears high-collared shirts to conceal the thready sinews of her neck will structurally despise the 23-year-old girlfriend of a powerful male who not only employs said middle-aged female but is paying her way on this trip.

“Anthropology books,” she tells Cora.

“I’m in the PhD program at Berkeley.”

Older and more self-assured than Tassie, Egan’s Mindy is able to apply Theory directly — here, by using Lévi-Strauss to make sense of a complex adult triangle. She is beginning to intuit the promise of using Theory to read situations in her everyday life: “Mindy has even wondered if her insights on the link between social structure and emotional response could amount to more than a rehash of Lévi-Strauss — a refinement; a contemporary application.” But applying Theory to the self, rather than simply being struck by its strangeness, is just another stage: “She’s only in her second year of coursework.”

For decades it’s been easy to trace the impact of Theory on the novel, but largely in the novel’s more experimental or formally innovative reaches; for instance, among the Theoretically sanctioned practitioners of the nouveau roman (Robbe-Grillet, Sollers, Sarraute), or the Anglo-Americans who, after the late ’70s, seemed intent on adding the torque of Theory to their own narrative twists (from DeLillo to late Pynchon, Winterson, Foster Wallace, Tom McCarthy, et alia). There still exists a robust cottage industry — exemplified recently in Judith Ryan’s The Novel After Theory — eager to explain how the contemporary novel has been making room for Theory, draining it of its rebarbative terminology (and much of its snob allure), putting it into concrete situations. It’s a vision of a strangely conservative and undialectical postmodern utopia, in which novelists and critical theorists would march hand in hand, each new theoretical vista finding its narrative mate, while syllabi virtually constructed themselves.

This rather boring, seemingly “advanced” idea — that Theory would alter the novel’s very DNA, so that it would no longer be possible to write fiction the same old way — may hold good for writers working in a recognizably high-postmodern fashion. But now comes a wave of fiction that tells a more complicated, less academically consecrated story. Theory, it turns out, might be most interesting not when it changes the form of fiction, but when it becomes an uneasy part of fiction’s content. In recent novels by college graduates of the late 1970s or 1980s — Egan, Moore, Jeffrey Eugenides, Jonathan Franzen, Sam Lipsyte — and younger writers, such as Teju Cole and Ben Lerner, Theory is judged from within the forms it tried to dismantle (psychological realism; the bildungsroman), by criteria Theory could only recognize as regressive or naïve: What kind of a person does Theory make? What did it once mean to have read theorists? What does it mean now? How does Theory help you hold a job? Deal with lovers, children, bosses, and parents? Decide between the restricted alternatives of adulthood? If novelistic realism aspires to be a history of the present, that present now includes — in the educations of writers themselves — the Theory that relegates novelistic realism to the past.

So far, two responses to this trend are apparent. The first — common to much of the publicity surrounding The Marriage Plot; listen, if you can stand it, to Terry Gross’s gleeful sneering about “tropes and signs” in her interview with Eugenides — is a desire to have these novels confirm the story of Theory’s demise or comic irrelevance, so that we may once and for all consign Theory to the vast bin of ’80s kitsch, along with Duran Duran and shoulder pads. The second, more sensitive response welcomes a realist appraisal of people steeped in Theory. James Wood, praising Teju Cole’sOpen City in the New Yorker, singled out Cole’s ability to show deep reading in critical theory (Barthes, Benjamin, Said, Deleuze, de Man, and more) as “simply and naturally part of the whole context of a person.”

The problem is that these novels aren’t at all sure that Theory can be outgrown like fashion; that, having learned about “tropes and signs,” one can easily dispense with that knowledge. Taken seriously — and for the most part these novelists take Theory with all the seriousness one might wish, often to the point of comic effect — Theory explodes the idea that we might know any “whole context” of ourselves. These novels don’t entirely regret, nor do they entirely accept, Theory; they satirize it with unease. It’s a register best indicated by the double negative, a perfect example of which is the ruefully perplexed formulation from Lipsyte’s The Ask, describing — what else? — the narrator Milo’s college days: “We drank local beer, smoked homegrown and shake. We used words like ‘systemic,’ ‘interpellate,’ ‘apparatus,’ ‘intervention.’ It wasn’t bullshit, I remember thinking at the time. It just wasn’t not bullshit.”

Of course, it would be a mistake to see the realist novel as somehow anti-intellectual, incapable of engaging with ideas. In fact, the list of ideas that the novel has comfortably swallowed is motley and daunting. Associationist psychology (Tristram Shandy); evolutionary biology (Middlemarch, Tess of the D’Urbervilles); finance capitalism (The Way We Live Now, JR); psychoanalysis (Confessions of Zeno); post-Newtonian physics (The Crying of Lot 49) — realism has stretched to include these realms and countless others, many of which — like midcentury existentialism — became standard elements of American humanistic education. Call them the Ideas of Our Times.

Now think of the much smaller set of ideas that realism can’t readily swallow but can only portray, usually through emblematic, almost allegorical characters, because these ideas are poised against realism itself: convulsive, revolutionary political energy; transformative religious fervor. Call these the great Others of realism, recurrently ready to find realism’s small-scale focus and individual humanism either complicit or weak. To which set does Theory (be it of poststructuralist, rhizomatic, or Frankfurt-school coloration) belong?

A good comparison might be found in the great Russian realists of the 19th century. Nihilism in Turgenev or utilitarian utopianism in Dostoevsky: these aren’t ideas that the novel has to, or even can, assimilate; it can only acknowledge their existence. Turgenev’s Bazarov and Dostoevsky’s Stavrogin implicitly reject the assumptions — liberal, individual, psychological, ameliorative — of the form in which they are rendered. The very idea of novel-writing, in the world as they conceive it, is regressive in the extreme: thus Bazarov dismisses the Schiller and Goethe of Nikolai Kirsanov, his friend’s father, and expresses his preference for the materialism of Ludwig Büchner’s Stoff und Kraft. These characters and the ideas they incarnate are at least potentially like Theory: they stem from a new, fringe kind of education, hostile to what they perceive as the backwardness of novelistic narration, and speak for an understanding of the world that would make nonsense of the (novelistic) individual. The novel responds accordingly by plotting their demise while allowing us some lingering attachment to these doomed rebels; thus the logic of plot and that of human experience are seen to cohere in “the way of the world.”

But do the Theory-trained characters of novels like The CorrectionsThe Ask, or The Marriage Plot possess anything close to the demonic energy of a nihilist like Bazarov? You can imagine them talking to Bazarov — even agreeing with him most of the time — but by comparison they seem harmless, at the mercy of the world Theory has equipped them to deconstruct. Temperamentally they seem closer to Tolstoy’s kind-hearted searchers; Theory is for them like Freemasonry for Pierre Bezukhov, a seductive phase of education that is finally too cultish and self-enclosed to make sense of the world’s upheavals. Or perhaps it’s more like homosexuality in Evelyn Waugh: a maturational phase that has to be abandoned in order to take one’s place in the social order. (The Ask‘s Milo, again, on his college education: “I learned about late capitalism. And how to snort heroin.” To which his interlocutor, a streetwise and profane older lawyer, says: “Did they teach you anything about being a man while you were learning about late capitalism, whatever the fuck that is?”) Does Theory threaten to break apart the norms of the realist world, or do we just need to wait for these characters to outgrow their reading?

This is the odd space these Theory Generation novels inhabit, making them peculiar novels of ideas.1 Their writers have read enough Theory at a young enough age to be in continued thrall to its power; they do justice to the disorienting shock those texts once had, and perhaps still have. Yet they are old enough to ironize (tenderly or bitterly) that power. Their depictions veer from caustic to nostalgic to regretful; their fictional readers of Theory are disappointed, maladaptive skeptics. It is as if the too-human frailty of these characters means that they fall short of the demands of Theory — a cunningly ironic demonstration (of a kind familiar from the entire history of realist fiction) that these demands might fall short of human needs.


If you had to pick the first shot in this conflict, you could do worse than reread the section in The Corrections in which Chip Lambert, former holder of an “assistant professorship in Textual Artifacts,” teacher of “Consuming Narratives,” lecturer on phallic anxiety in Tudor drama, and casualty of a drug-fueled affair with an undergraduate, heads repeatedly to the Strand Bookstore to sell his large, costly collection of Theory. It is a miniature triumph of realist notation at its most aggressive. Starting with his Marxist theorists, whose collective sticker price of $3,900 is knocked down to $65, Chip works his way through “his feminists, his formalists, his structuralists, his poststructuralists, his Freudians, and his queers” to raise money for expensive dinners to impress a new girlfriend. Reduced at the end to “his beloved cultural historians,” Chip “piled his Foucault and Greenblatt and hooks and Poovey into shopping bags and sold them all for $115.” The pathetic, specific numbers, the terribly accurate roster of names (not just famous Continental names, but the kind of American academics that demonstrate Franzen’s realist-insidery expertise): this is what Theory is worth.

Scenes in which the vain things of this world are sold — auctions, foreclosures, negotiations with pawnbrokers — occur often in realist fiction, always expressing the hard principle that our ideals don’t translate into market terms. In the end, our fantasies or desires or self-delusions come to the bar, not of Truth, but of what others will give us for them.

Franzen (Swarthmore ’81), Eugenides (Brown ’83), Egan (Penn ’85), and Lipsyte (Brown ’90), among others, were well placed to observe the first vehement arrivals of Theorists in the classroom. Theory felt then — and perhaps still does, in a more routinized way — as esoteric and mysterious and potentially demoralizing as any other adult experience that college promised. The battle seemed epic: it pitted the Makers of Things — poets, novelists — against the Unmakers of Ideologies. The price of entry to many humanistic disciplines, in many corners of America, was to choose the latter. Not that it was a hard choice. Everything around you — public discourse, social demands, economic ironies — demanded critique. “We were stuck between meanings,” The Ask‘s Milo recalls. “Or we were the last dribbles of something. It was hard to figure. The fall of the Soviet Union, this was, the death of analog. The beginning of aggressively marketed nachos.”

Among other things, it was the moment — call it the long 1980s — when the American university, no longer content to describe or study the socially critical function that artistic avant-gardes had claimed as their own for over a century, became itself the host for the avant-garde. This was literally the case — universities began to house and pay significant European thinkers at the moment their influence in their native lands began to wane. Unlike their predecessors who arrived before and during World War II, figures such as Derrida did not come merely to wait out a conflict. Instead they came to conquer, with newly formed journals, reshaped departments, grad-student protégés and acolytes, and translations produced by university presses and read in pedagogical contexts. The result was the institutionalization of Theory, its submission to the logic of an academic market that demanded regular infusions of new insight; but it was also the transformation of the institution itself, which now began to think of itself as ineluctably avant-garde in function.

There were ironies. Among the cheapest was the complaint that these theoretical avant-gardistes were, thanks to employment and tenure, comfortably middle-class — a complaint that ignores the long tendency of Western modernity to remunerate its critics. The more potent irony was that by transforming itself into an engine for critique, the academy ceased to believe in the goal of socialization — making good citizens — that was still one of its functions. (As Richard Rorty had it, the price higher education paid to keep this irony unexamined was to cede secondary education to conservatives.) At the center of this irony was the liberal arts student, tasked with learning to critique social norms before having consciously or fully lived them. It is both socially and aesthetically significant that so much recent virtuoso realism has come from writers who were undergraduates at precisely this moment, often in the places where Theory had most prestige.

To combat claims that realism was a source of critical knowledge — be it knowledge in the mode of Zola’s gritty naturalism, or Henry James’s more psychologized motto, “Try to be one of the people on whom nothing is lost“ — Theory made a sneaky move in the game by claiming to speak for true critique. The critique of realism — the naïveté of its faith in representation; its complicity with banal cultural narratives — was leavened by the sneaking fondness for realism that theorists themselves, even the most canonical, exhibited. Recall Barthes on Flaubert, Deleuze or Kristeva on Proust, Adorno on Balzac, Jameson on Gissing. Jameson in particular devoted himself to a patient explanation of how, in a certain historical moment, realism served a critical function, however distant that moment might now be.

For the student, it didn’t take much insight to see that realism was to be pitied. Dismissed as (pick your favorite) politically inert, bourgeois, retrograde; just another series of conventions and codes, mannered and risible as local TV news; or — worst of all — sheerly middlebrow, realism could match neither the smooth avant-gardiste whose visible disdain for the rest of the party attracts admiring glances, nor the genre novelist whose belly laugh loosens up the room. A concern for everyday compromise, an interest in lyricism straitened by recognizable syntax, some sardonic humor, a bit of adultery, or debt: the creaky old realist novel was no one’s first choice to take home. It didn’t seem up to offering critique or getting us from one meaning to the next, unless it had Theory as a wingman.

By the end of the ’90s, the easy equation that Theory gave you — realism is a tool of capitalist rationality, a product and not an imaginative artifact, a tool of the status quo — had the feel of a truism. But once an argument hardens into a truism, a response is likely already underway. The Corrections provided an early version of this response. It isn’t hard to detect the buried affection for Theory in Franzen’s narration of Chip’s desperate liquidation sale. Theory is still an informing presence in these novels; they are, of course, stories about reification, alienation, and particularly — a term obsessively, if gingerly, employed — late capitalism. But by 2001, Theory had become — at least for students, ex-students, and academics — part of the furniture of their lives, in no need of defense and yet scarcely revolutionary. It was no longer the key to all the world’s things, but rather just another thing-in-the-world. This very banality was what Franzen drew upon: by becoming routine, Theory had gone from object of fear, or satire, or hero worship, to something novelistic. And the novel, particularly the kind that relied on social detail and individual destinies (and in the case of Franzen, on the bourgeois nuclear family), was spoiling for a fight, trying to win back its eclipsed prestige.


No small fact, then, that so many of these novels take the shape of the bildungsroman, that most antique of realist modes. The punctured innocence of Moore’s Tassie, the callowness of Egan’s Mindy — these are paradigmatic steps on the way to an education in Theory. First comes getting used to a style (of insouciance, strange combinations, rejection of middle-class norms); next is learning to use it to make sense of your own maturation. François Cusset coined the term bildungstheorieto describe how Theory operates in the American setting, and Moore and Egan — neither of whom have written novels explicitly about Theory; these are distinctly modern bildungsromane — know that Theory is now, for an American college graduate of a certain kind, part of the sociology of late adolescence. Theory is swallowed by the ordinary developmental processes that it so often sought to disrupt.

This is one way in which contemporary realism has its revenge on Theory: narrating it as just another part of growing up a college-educated American. The revenge, though, takes interesting tonal forms. Eugenides’s The Marriage Plot is full of details rendered with such tender mockery that they seem as affectionate as satirical: the formerly New Critical professor who had “met Roland Barthes at a dinner party and been converted, over cassoulet, to the new faith”; the student in the semiotics seminar who proclaims that “I’m finding it hard to introduce myself, actually, because the whole idea of social introductions is so problematized”; the novel’s heroine waiting anxiously to hear the correct pronunciation of the names that were as yet only opaque signs (”Bart. So that was how you pronounced it”). Here Eugenides combats Theory in a register even more effective than Franzen’s satire: nostalgia. What do you do to Theory when you treat it fondly? You make it into one of the wonderful follies of youth: so good to have had them; so good to be beyond them.

Eugenides’s novel is suffused with affection: for its time, its characters, and their ideas; and his characters are remarkably affectionate with one another, as if already imagining themselves in a roseate future anterior. This fondness is not quite echoed by other recent novels of the Theory Generation. From other perspectives it seems less possible to look back fondly, because Theory and the thinking it occasions are still present, still haunting characters, still intervening inconveniently between cognition and action. Here, perhaps, the realist novel about Theory-readers gains its best traction. If — to take three excellent recent examples — the protagonists of The Ask,Open City, and Ben Lerner’s Leaving the Atocha Station aren’t living out the kind of traditional courtship and bildung narrative employed so knowingly in The Marriage Plot, it is because they’ve become so suspicious of plot that they refuse forward momentum. They wander, drop in and out of neighborhoods, cities, jobs, and relationships, finding experience itself only through a scrim of irony.

These are novels about consumers. These are people who are given to consuming books, particularly books about other books. It is entirely characteristic that, in the opening pages of Open City, the narrator Julius visits his aging college mentor, a Japanese-American scholar of medieval literature, then proceeds to the closing sale of the Lincoln Center Tower Records to go through the classical CD bins. These are receptive people — their characteristic act is taking in, choosing, evaluating, rejecting. Among the things they are choosing is a framework through which to apprehend the world. Theory doesn’t feel futuristic in these novels; in a slightly different register from The Marriage Plot, but with a similar temporal dynamic, it feels late, a voice from the past that only provokes dissatisfaction.

Consumption isn’t quite the heart of the matter, however. What allies Lipsyte’s Milo, Cole’s Julius, and Lerner’s Adam — a poet spending a desultory fellowship year in Spain, before and after the 2004 Madrid train bombings — is how fundamentallydiagnostic they are. Theory has taught them to treat the world as a set of deceptive signs; they doubt, reflexively, the communications of others. (They aren’t always wrong to do so.) Lerner’s Adam even ruminates on the impossibility this condition creates for the novel:

And when I read the New York Times online, where it was always the deadliest day since the invasion began, I wondered if the incommensurability of language and experience was new, if my experience of my experience issued from a damaged life of pornography and privilege, if there were happy ages when the starry sky was the map of all possible paths, or if this division of experience into what could not be named and what could not be lived just was experience, for all people for all time. Either way, I promised myself, I would never write a novel.

The references to Adorno’s Minima Moralia (“damaged life”) and Lukács’s Theory of the Novel (“happy ages”) are not just grace notes but essential aspects of the dilemma: Adam has been thoroughly educated in a school of symptomology, and the phenomena of the world have become, as a result, a series of signs, not expressions or communications. Julius in Open City sees New York as suffering the neurosis of having repressed its violent, slaving past, which his education leads him constantly to unmask; he mistakes a “dark canvas sheeting on a construction scaffold, twirling in the wind” for “the body of a lynched man dangling from a tree.” Lerner’s novel circles restlessly around artistic experiences — poetry readings, museum visits, overheard songs — that provoke only a pained self-consciousness about how impossible it is to feel absorbed by them, as if what art now provides is occasion for ruminating on absent raptness. Eugenides, in a more obviously comic register, shows his characters relentlessly tripping over their autoskepticism: “More worryingly, Mitchell had to ask himself if he wasn’t being just as knee-jerk in resisting the charge of misogyny as college feminists were in leveling it, and if his resistance didn’t mean that he was, somewhere deep down, prone to misogyny himself. Why, after all, had he bought A Moveable Feast in the first place? Why, knowing what he did about Claire, had he decided to whip it out of his backpack at this particular moment? Why, in fact, had the phrase whip it out just occurred to him?” A relentless analytical drive, oriented toward the slippery nature of signs, is the constant mark of these novels, but it is a drive described and not reproduced. Realism depends upon faith, however tenuous, in the trustworthiness of signs. It isn’t a faith these protagonists can easily share, and so they lurk uncomfortably in their own novels. In the case of Cole’s Julius, whose novel ends by springing a sinister trapdoor, they may not even be aware of the most important elements of their own stories.

“I’m finding it hard to introduce myself, actually, because the whole idea of social introductions is so problematized”: it’s a good joke. Semiotics was an exemplary introduction to Theory because it could so starkly diagnose the conventions — some of them innocuous, some of them harmful — that governed the smallest aspects of everyday life; and other avenues of Theory did, and still do, explain how those conventions came to be. Once you learned this habit of thought it was hard to forget it. You might never be as literal about it as Eugenides’s poor collegiate semiotician, but if you gave it more than a moment’s grudging attention, it changed you.

It could also change you into a spectator, an omniskeptic, leading a diluted affective existence. This is where the realism of the Theory Generation steps in to redress the balance, or at least to illustrate the dilemma. It’s a strange office for realist fiction. But if the death of the author, which these authors learned about in their college years, has spurred a response (We’re still here!), it has also spurred a new rationale for an old mode: to explore the consequences — in lost urgency, lost feeling, or lost expressiveness — of a life lived as a series of symptoms to be read.


Cole and Lerner are younger than the first wave of Theory Generation novelists, and the difference tells. Their novels are even looser in form than Franzen’s or Lipsyte’s or Moore’s, more solitary and lyrical in their first-person voices, less given to the comedy of social friction. They echo the monologic reveries of the self-consciously failed novels of formation from a century ago: Mann’s Tonio Kröger, Musil’s Young Törless, Rilke’s Notebooks of Malte Laurids Brigge (it isn’t irrelevant that Lerner is better known as a poet), Alain-Fournier’s Le Grand Meaulnes, Kafka’s Amerika, Joyce’s Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man. Erudite misfits, well-schooled and skeptical, who by taking their educations so seriously have disabled themselves from the supposed rewards of education: these figures stand for a social crisis in maturation, where the lessons of school — classical studies, militarism, scholastic theology, Kultur — no longer connect to effective socialization. So with Cole’s Julius and Lerner’s Adam: bookish and diffident, they are excellent products of Theory, insofar as they have been thoroughly acculturated into the culture of anti-acculturation. They do not seem to expect their educations to have equipped them for the world they face. Whereas Eugenides’s or Lipsyte’s characters are surprised by the disjunction, they take it as a given. Lipsyte is a contemporary master of the rant; Cole and Lerner tend toward reverie.

Tonio Kröger on his situation: “I stand between two worlds. I am at home in neither, and I suffer in consequence.” This might stand as a motto for any of the novels of the Theory Generation. Theory was, whatever its many internal disagreements and comic excesses, not just diagnostic but utopian — a training in interpreting the world as a path toward changing it. If it was meant to socialize you at all, it was meant to socialize you for the different world to come: a world of genuine difference genuinely encountered, a world less in thrall to the false gods of Normality and Pathology, a world that would be more transparent and, as a result, less painful. In their variously rueful ways, these novels remind us of the utopianism of Theory by writing its epitaph.

Because what does Theory do for its former students in these novels? It hasn’t prepared them for a new world; instead, it’s given them a way to survive, just barely, in the old one. Having learned well the poststructuralist critique of positions — the necessary exclusions and erasures by which any “position” is made possible — they are eminently flexible, admirably uncommitted ironists. Their novels leave them in temporary limbos that promise only more temporary limbos to come. Lipsyte’s Milo, having long abandoned painting, loses his white-collar development job and finds himself working for a local contractor. Lerner’s Adam floats through a fellowship, after which he will return to the US to nothing certain at all. The music industry that is the subject of Egan’s book doesn’t collapse so much as quietly shrink, undergoing what Mindy might call a “structural” adjustment. Theory, it turns out, is less intellectually powerful than emotionally useful; it habituates you to the anomic, precarious existence you were destined to lead in any case. It was like a drug after all: not hallucinogenic or mind-expanding, but rather pleasantly sedating.

Why such a low-stakes portrayal of what a humanistic education gives you? Because the habit of diagnostic, symptomatic analysis these characters embody is not defeated by the fiendishly well-encoded secrets of Capital or Power so much as rendered inert by a world without secrets, or symptoms, at all. Who needs to reveal the codes through which ideology speaks when ideology speaks plainly? When power dispenses with alibis? Or when power, in the form of Purdy, Milo’s college friend turned big-shot capitalist, speaks of his college gang like this: “They’ll think they are special and that they suffer in distinct ways, but they are all hurtling down the same world-historical funnel. They will attempt to professionalize their passions, or else just get jobs. Some will do better than others. Some won’t have to do better because of their trust funds. Despite what are often radically different fashion aesthetics, not to mention politics, they are all fundamentally the same.” Forget surfaces and codes, forget symptoms and ideological ruses, forget secrets and conspiracies: the ways in which these characters are exploited, used, manipulated, and discarded are as obvious as their all-too-human needs for a little comfort, a little belonging, a little safety. In that kind of world, less secure and polite than the world they were schooled in, hermeneutics scarcely registers as a skill; it’s at best a habit of self-soothing. It allows you to think that when you’re talked to this way, something else might be going on. The dark joke — and it’s a joke realism has always been good at making — is that nothing else is: the cynicism of power is just that cynical.

It’s an inversion that might be one of the signature ironies of these novels: Theory was right all along, just in the wrong ways. “Late capitalism”: can any concept be more germane to Milo’s unraveling life? “Discourse”: as Eugenides’s Madeleine slowly learns, it’s a useful shorthand for the illusion of our uniqueness, particularly the uniqueness of our ability to anatomize social discourses. “Damaged life”: nothing else expresses so well the woundedness of Adam, who invents fictional alibis for others — such as the “fascism” of his kind, liberal Midwestern father — to produce the symptom that’s not really there. Their narratives bear out what they were taught, but in far more literal form. If they took from their exquisitely expensive schooling an elegantly deconstructive cast of mind, what it turns out they needed was to have trusted Theory’s most reductive, blunt, brutally plain lessons instead. It’s a funny, eminently realist kind of warning: Forget the hermeneutics of suspicion. Remember what you’ve suspected all along — what, looking around you, you can hardly avoid suspecting. Be one of those on whom nothing, not even Theory, is lost.

 

 

1 In addition to the writers already mentioned, the number of recent American novels that contain Theory-wise graduate students — Norman Rush’s Mating, Brian Morton’s Starting Out in the Evening, Allegra Goodman’s The Cookbook Collector, and so on — is impressive. British novelists, by contrast, often take on Theory and theorists through the question of literary biography after the “death of the author,” as in A. S. Byatt’s Possession or Alan Hollinghurst’s The Stranger’s Child. For most American writers Theory is less a matter of how to think of a writer’s life than how to think of a student’s.