What is Posthumanism? by Cary Wolfe

What is Posthumanism?

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By Sørina Higgins

Cary Wolfe’s What is Posthumanism?

Perhaps you have had a nightmare in which you fell through the bottom of your known universe into a vortex of mutated children, talking animals, mental illness, freakish art, and clamoring gibberish. There, you were subjected to the gaze of creatures of indeterminate nature and questionable intelligence. Your position as the subject of your own dream was called into question while voices outside your sight commented upon your tenuous identity. When you woke, you were relieved to find that it was only a dream-version of the book you were reading when you fell asleep. Maybe that book was Alice in Wonderland; maybe it was What is Posthumanism?

Now, it is not quite fair to compare Cary Wolfe’s sober, thoughtful scholarship with either a nightmare or a work of (children’s?) fantasy. It is a profound, thoroughly researched study with far-reaching consequences for public policy, bioethics, education, and the arts. However, it does present a rather odd dramatis personae, including a glow-in-the-dark rabbit, a woman who feels most at ease in a cattle chute, an artist of Jewish descent who implants an ID-chip in his own leg, researchers who count the words in a dog’s vocabulary, and horses who exhibit more intelligence than the average human toddler. The settings, too, are often wildly different from those you might expect in an academic work: a manufactured cloud hovering over a lake in Switzerland, a tree park in Canada where landscape and architecture blend and redefine one another, recording studios, photographic laboratories, slaughterhouses, and (most of all) the putative  minds of animals and the deconstructed minds of the very humans whose ontological existence it seeks to problematize.

But that is another exaggeration. Wolfe’s goal is not to undermine the existence or value of human beings. Rather, it is to call into question the universal ethics, assumed rationality, and species-specific self-determination of humanism. That is a mouthful.

Indeed, Wolfe’s book is a mouthful, and a headful. It is in fact a book by a specialist, for specialists. While Wolfe is an English professor (at Rice University) and identifies himself with “literary and cultural studies” (p. 100), this is first of all a work of philosophy. Its ideal audience is very small, consisting of English and Philosophy professors who came of age in the 70s, earned their Ph.D.s during the hey-day of Derridean Deconstruction, and have spent the intervening decades keeping up with trends in systems theory, cultural studies, science, bioethics, and information technology. It is rigorous and demanding, especially in its first five chapters, which lay the conceptual groundwork for the specific analyses of the second section.

In these first five chapters, Wolfe describes his perspective and purpose by interaction with many other great minds and influential texts, primarily those of Jacques Derrida. Here, the fundamental meaning and purpose of “Posthumanism” becomes clear. Wolfe wants his readers to rethink their relationship to animals (what he calls “nonhuman animals”). His goal is “a new and more inclusive form of ethical pluralism” (137). That sound innocuous enough, but he is not talking about racial, religious, or other human pluralisms. He is postulating a pluralism that transcends species. In other words, he is promoting the ethical treatment of animals based on a fundamental re-evaluation of what it means to be human, to be able to speak, and even to think. He does this by discussing studies that reveal the language capacities of animals (a dog apparently has about a 200-word vocabulary and can learn new words as quickly as a human three-year-old; pp. 32-33), by recounting the story of a woman whose Asperger’s syndrome enables her to empathize with cows and sense the world the way they do (chapter five), and by pointing out the ways in which we value disabled people who do not possess the standard traits that (supposedly) make us human.

But Wolfe goes further than a simple suggestion that we should be nice to animals (and the unspoken plug for universal veganism). He is proposing a radical disruption of liberal humanism and a rigorous interrogation of what he sees as an arrogant complacency about our species. He respects “any variety of philosophy that challenges anthropocentrism and speciesism” (62)—anthropocentrism, of course, means viewing the world as if homo sapiens is the center (or, more accurately, viewing the world from the position of occupying that center) and specisism is the term he uses to replace racism. We used to feel and enact prejudice against people of different ethnic backgrounds, he suggests, but we now know that is morally wrong. The time has come, then, to realize that we are feeling and enacting prejudice against people of different species.

Although Wolfe suggests many epistemological and empirical reasons for rethinking the personhood of animals, he comes to the conclusion that our relationship with them is based on our shared embodiment. Humans and animals have a “shared finitude” (139); we can both feel pain, suffer, and die. On the basis of our mutual mortality, then, we should have an “emphasis on compassion” (77). He is not out to denigrate his own species – far from it. Indeed, he goes out of his way to spend time discussing infants (who have not yet developed rationality and language), people with disabilities (especially those that prevent them from participating in fully rational thought and/or communication), and the elderly (who may lose some of those rational capacities, especially if racked by such ailments as Alzheimers). Indeed, he claims: “It is not by denying the special status of human being[s] but by intensifying it that we can come to think of nonhuman animals…as…fellow creatures” (77).

This joint focus on the special status of all human beings along with the other living creatures roaming (or swimming, flying, crawling, slithering) the globe has far-reaching consequences for public policy, especially bioethics. Wolfe says that, currently, bioethics is riddled with prejudices: “Of these prejudices, none is more symptomatic of the current state of bioethics than prejudice based on species difference, and an incapacity to address the ethical issues raised by dramatic changes over the past thirty years in our knowledge about the lives, communication, emotions, and consciousnesses of a number of nonhuman species” (56). One of the goals of his book, then, is to reiterate that knowledge and promote awareness of those issues that he sees as ethical.

If you read Wolfe’s book, or even parts of it, you will suddenly see posthumanism everywhere. You can trace its influence in the enormously fast-growing pet industry. From the blog “Pawsible Marketing”: “As in recent and past years, there is no doubt that pets continue to become more and more a part of the family, even to the extent of becoming, in some cases, ‘humanized’.”

You will see it in bring-your-pet-to-work or bring-your-pet-to-school days. You might think it is responsible for the recent introduction of a piece of legislation called H.R. 3501, The Humanity and Pets Partnered Through the Years, know as the “HAPPY Act,” which proposes a tax deduction for pet owners. You will find it in children’s books about talking animals. You will see it on Animal Planet, the Discovery Channel, and a PBS series entitled “Inside the Animal Mind.” You will find it in films, such as the brand-new documentary The Cove, which records the brutal slaughter of dolphins for food. And you will see it in works of art.

Following this reasoning, section two of Wolfe’s book (chapters six through eleven) veers off from the strictly philosophical approach into the more traditional terrain of cultural studies: he examines specific works of art in light of the philosophical basis that is now firmly in place. Interestingly, he does not choose all works of art that depict animals, nor those that displace humans. He begins with works that depict animals (Sue Coe’s paintings of slaughterhouses) and that use animals (Eduardo Kac’s creation of genetically engineered animals that glow in the dark), but then moves on to discuss film, architecture, poetry, and music. In each of these examinations, he works to destabilize traditional binaries such as nature/culture, landscape/architecture, viewer/viewed, presence/absence, organic/inorganic, natural/artificial, and, really, human/nonhuman. This second section, then, is a subtle application of the theory of posthumanism itself to the arts, [our] environment, and [our] identity.

What is perhaps most important about What is Posthumanism remains latent in the text. This is its current and (especially) future prevalence. By tracing the history of posthumanism back through systems theory into deconstruction, Wolfe implies a future trajectory, too. I would venture to suggest that he believes posthumanism is the worldview that will soon come to dominate “Western” thought. And this is important for academics specifically and thinkers in general to realize.

Whether you agree with Cary Wolfe or not, it would be wise to understand posthumanism. It appears that your only choice will be either to align yourself with this perspective or to fight against it. If you agree, you should know with what. If you fight, you should know against what.

What, then, is the central thesis of posthumanism? Wolfe’s entire project might be summed up in his bold claim that, thanks to his own work and that of the theorists and artists he discusses, “the human occupies a new place in the universe, a universe now populated by what I am prepared to call nonhuman subjects” (47)—such subjects as talking rabbits, six-inch people, and mythical monsters?

Well, maybe not the mythical monsters.

Fredric Jameson: Valences of the Dialectic review by Benjamin Kunkel

Fredric Jameson

Into the Big Tent

Benjamin Kunkel

The London Review of Books

Valences of the Dialectic by Fredric Jameson

Fredric Jameson’s pre-eminence, over the last generation, among critics writing in English would be hard to dispute. Part of the tribute has been exacted by his majestic style, one distinctive feature of which is the way that the convoy of long sentences freighted and balanced with subordinate clauses will dock here and there to unload a pithy slogan. Always historicise! is one of these, and Jameson has also insisted, under the banner of One cannot not periodise,’ on the related necessity (as well as the semi-arbitrariness) of dividing history into periods. With that in mind, it’s tempting to propose a period, coincident with Jameson’s career as the main theorist of postmodernism, stretching from about 1983 (when Thatcher, having won a war, and Reagan, having survived a recession, consolidated their popularity) to 2008 (when the neoliberal programme launched by Reagan and Thatcher was set back by the worst economic crisis since the Depression). During this period of neoliberal ascendancy – an era of deregulation, financialisation, industrial decline, demoralisation of the working class, the collapse of Communism and so on – it often seemed easier to spot the contradictions of Marxism than the more famous contradictions of capitalism, and no figure seemed to embody more than Fredric Jameson the peculiar condition of an economic theory that had turned out to flourish above all as a mode of cultural analysis, a mass movement that had become the province of an academic ‘elite’, and an intellectual tradition that had arrived at some sort of culmination right at the point of apparent extinction.

Over the last quarter-century, Jameson has been at once the timeliest and most untimely of American critics and writers. Not only did he develop interests in film, science fiction, or the work of Walter Benjamin, say, earlier than most of his colleagues in the humanities, he was also a pioneer of that enlargement of literary criticism (Jameson received a PhD in French literature from Yale in 1959) into all-purpose theory which made the discussion of all these things in the same breath established academic practice. More than this, he succeeded better than anyone else at defining the term, ‘postmodernism’, that sought to catch the historical specificity of the present age.

This was a matter, first, of cataloguing postmodernism’s superficial textures: the erosion of the distinction between high and pop culture; the reign of stylistic pastiche and miscellany; the dominance of the visual image and corresponding eclipse of the written word; a new depthlessness – ‘surrealism without the unconscious’ – in the dream-like jumble of images; and the strange alliance of a pervasive cultural nostalgia (as in the costume drama or historical novel) with a cultural amnesia serving to fragment ‘time into a series of perpetual presents’. If all that now sounds familiar, this owes something to the durability of Jameson’s account of postmodernism, first delivered as a lecture in 1982 and expanded two years later into an essay for New Left Review: a 40-page sketch that caught the features of the fidgety sitter more accurately than many longer studies before and since.

Jameson’s description of the mood and texture of postmodern life had, in its almost tactile authority, few rivals outside the work of DeLillo, Pynchon and (more to his own taste) William Gibson. And, as in their novels, local observation in Jameson was complemented by an implacable awareness of what he called the ‘unrepresentable exterior’ enclosing all the slick and streaming phenomena in view. In the novelists, however, allusion to the great ensphering system often took the form of paranoia. As a Marxist, Jameson was calmer and more forthright: he simply called the system late capitalism, after the book by Ernest Mandel, the Belgian Trotskyist, which provided the base, as it were, to his own cultural superstructure. Mandel’s Late Capitalism (1972) had offered a magnificently confident and pugnacious argument about the nature of postwar capitalism, but he regretted ‘not being able to propose a better term for this historical era than “late capitalism”’. In Mandel’s usage, ‘late’ simply meant ‘recent’, but the term naturally also suggests obsolescence. This implication of an utterly misplaced Marxist triumphalism probably had consequences for the reception of Jameson’s theory (and Mandel’s). Who could believe in 1991, when Jameson published Postmodernism, or, the Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism, that capitalism was on its last legs?

In fact, Jameson didn’t think it was either. His actual claim was more like the opposite: with the postwar elimination of pre-capitalist agriculture in the Third World and the last residue of feudal social relations in Europe, with the full commodification of culture (no more Rilke and Yeats and their noble patrons) and the infiltration of the old family-haunted unconscious by mass-disseminated images, humankind had only now embarked, for the first time, on a universally capitalist history. Late capitalism was the dawn, not the dusk, of a thoroughgoing capitalism. It constituted a ‘process in which the last surviving internal and external zones of precapitalism … are now ultimately penetrated and colonised in their turn’. This thesis can only have been reinforced by the advent of China as the workshop of the world and the channelling of so much of intimate life by the internet. My shoes are sewn under the supervision of the CCP, and Gmail fills the margins of my private correspondence with ads.

And yet if Jameson owed to Marxism the special freshness of his insights, it was the same Marxism that made his work so untimely. He seems to have achieved notoriety as America’s best-known Marxist in the years of the Soviet Union’s death throes, when Marxism of any kind was held to be empirically disproved and indelibly tainted with mass murder. Moreover, his particular commitments went considerably beyond an axiomatic materialism in which economic conditions necessarily carve out whatever room for manoeuvre artists and writers enjoy; that much Marxism any liberal citizen might have accepted or even, under postmodernism, found impossible to deny. Far more suspect, during a period when Utopia has been considered a euphemism for the Gulag, Jameson has also insisted time and again on the (usually unconscious) utopian element in all culture and politics, no matter how commercial the artefact or noxious the movement. The last words of Valences of the Dialectic maintain that ‘Utopia exists and that other systems, other spaces, are still possible’.

Jameson’s defence of the procedure he likes to call ‘totalisation’ has been in a similar vein. Totalisation might be defined as the intellectual effort to recover the relationship between a given object – a novel, a film, a new building or a body of philosophical work – and the total historical situation underneath and around it. To contemporary ears, the term inevitably calls up associations with totalitarianism, and there is no denying that the method derives explicitly from the work of the Communist Lukács and the fellow-traveller Sartre, whom Jameson also failed to disown. Anathema to conservatives, the recourse to ‘totality’ was no more endearing to a cultural left whose slogans included difference, heterotopia, nomadism etc. This left seems to have faded from the American scene in recent years, but orthodox anti-Marxism looks unbudging. ‘Outside of a few university comparative literature departments,’ Anne Applebaum wrote recently in the New York Review of Books, ‘Soviet-style Marxism itself is not a living political idea anywhere in the West.’ (It’s in ‘Soviet-style’ that the real malice lies.) A few weeks later, a prominent science writer declared in a letter to the New York Times that ‘Marx’s philosophy, put into practice, killed 30 million people through state-sponsored famines alone.’ The US remains a society in which Marxism can be advocated only a little more respectably than pederasty, and lately accusations of socialism erupt from the Republican Party more frequently than since McCarthy’s heyday.

In Late Marxism (1990), his book on Adorno, Jameson wrote of Dialectic of Enlightenment that ‘the question about poetry after Auschwitz has been replaced with that of whether you could bear to read Adorno and Horkheimer next to the pool.’ With Jameson the question has been whether you could avoid reading him on a university campus, or continue reading him outside one. In Jonathan Franzen’s The Corrections (2001), Chip Lambert, a former associate professor of literature in his thirties, decides to purge his library of Marxist cultural critics in order to raise some funds with which to indulge the yuppie tastes of his new girlfriend, Julia. Each of these books, Chip recalls, had once ‘called out’ to him ‘with a promise of a radical critique of late capitalist society’. And yet: ‘Theodor Adorno didn’t have Julia’s grapy smell of lecherous pliability, Fred Jameson didn’t have Julia’s artful tongue.’ Unburdened of his Marxist texts and their ‘reproachful spines’, Chip proceeds to buy Julia a fillet of ‘wild Norwegian salmon, line caught’ for $78.40 at an upmarket grocery store Franzen calls the Nightmare of Consumption, a name to suggest that faced with the brazenness of yuppiedom (as by the 1990s it was no longer even called; it was just the way that almost anyone who could afford to be, was) all satire or cultural criticism met defeat. Jameson’s Postmodernism had concluded with a call to ‘name the system.’ Ten years later, the system seemed to reply cheerfully to any ugly name you might call it. Hi, I’m the Nightmare of Consumption. Nice to meet you!

The Corrections, as well as being a far better novel than Jameson’s stricture on an ‘exhausted realism’ would suggest it could be, is a central instance of the literary populism that we can now recognise as one of the main trends of the American novel over the past decade or so. Franzen had no wish to be an obscure or difficult artist in the way that Adorno might have approved, and wasn’t likely to mention Jameson without being able to trust that a good number of his readers would have some idea of who ‘Fred’ was. Similarly, in Sam Lipsyte’s new novel, The Ask, the forty-something narrator recalls that in college he learned about ‘late capitalism. And how to snort heroin.’ Interestingly, Lipsyte deals with the mediocre university where his narrator works in the same spirit of harassed literalism and defeated satire we can see in Franzen’s Nightmare of Consumption: he calls the institution the Mediocre University. (Years ago, Jameson noticed a similar cynicism, operating from the other side, in the motto of Forbes magazine: ‘The Capitalist Tool’.)

In both Franzen and Lipsyte the invocation of ‘late capitalism’ – a term most people encountered in Jameson, not Mandel – is a mark of immaturity, an outworn college creed. The thing itself may grow old with us, but the term can’t be used by middle-aged grown-ups participating in the real world (that is to say, the surface of the earth, minus college campuses). The same may go for ‘postmodernism’, a word which by now provokes the weariness it once served in part to describe. What, then, of the writer whose own name is indissolubly linked to these terms? Jameson’s latest book is about the dialectic, the unwieldy and now perhaps antique philosophical instrument invented by Hegel and handled back to front – a socialist tool – by Marx. A basic feature of dialectical thinking is the liability of subject and object to turn into each other, for the way a thing is looked at to become part of the look of the thing. Certainly that has been the case with Jameson himself and postmodernism: he became a landmark in the territory he had done so much to survey. The status of landmarks is ambiguous. Does a statue confirm the living influence of a man, or only that he belongs to the past?

It may not be too dialectical a characterisation of the dialectician to say that Jameson’s almost impossibly sophisticated variety of Marxist cultural criticism always wore the double aspect of a retreat and an advance. On the one hand, it appeared only to confirm the rout of the left that America’s most famous Marxist was not a militant, a union boss or an economist, but a professor of literature and the author of learned and anfractuous prose whose essays contained untranslated blocks of French and bristling semiotic diagrams known as Greimas rectangles. What did anyone have to fear from Marxism if what had once been ‘a unity of theory and practice’ was now chiefly a recondite species of book and movie criticism? Asylum in the literature department was surely just a prelude to an overdue extinction.

On the other hand, the Marxist tradition received in Jameson’s work about as profound a vindication of its interpretative mission as could be imagined. It was one thing for him to insist – first in The Political Unconscious (1981) – that Marxism was the hermeneutic code that subsumed all others, that only in light of Marx’s concept of the successive modes of production (hunting and gathering, early agriculture, feudalism and so on down to late capitalism) could the significance of any cultural or intellectual artefact be fully apprehended. But Jameson backed up the methodological boast in two ways.

First, with reserves of synthesising energy that simply outstripped anyone else’s, he was able to house within his own capacious and flexible scheme, like one of those skyscrapers that can bend in the wind, a remarkable number of newly important bodies of thought, including structuralist semiotics, longue durée history of the Annales variety, Frankfurt School Kulturkritik and the Marxian investigations of finance capital carried out by Giovanni Arrighi and David Harvey. One trait of postmodernism unmentioned by Jameson was the special difficulty critics and thinkers of recent generations have experienced in conveying their thoughts except through the medium of someone else’s; intellectuals today tend to offer their commentary on the world by way of comments on another’s commentary. Jameson has been unique, however, in his extremes of inclusion or ventriloquism. He seems to have detected some aspect of the truth in virtually any body of work he’s discussed, and so to have recruited more, and more various, thinkers into the march of his own thoughts than any rival theorist. (Which means, among other things, that when he speculates about the fortunes of the great synthesiser Hegel in the years to come, it’s equally the survival of his own way of thinking that’s at issue.)

Second, starting in the early 1980s, Jameson produced what remains the most imposing account of the culture we all still inhabit. Postmodernism, he argued, did not spell the end of ‘metanarratives’, as Lyotard had claimed. It was better understood as the recruitment of the entire world into the same big story, namely the development of global capitalism. (This marked a slight shift from his earlier claim that human history was already unified by the successive modes of production.) As for the self-referential quality of so much postmodern culture – language about language, images of images – this confirmed rather than contradicted the intimate relationship of culture to the heavy machinery of material production. The self-reflective idiom of postmodernism merely showed that specialisation and the division of labour had seized the arts just as much as anything else; if culture increasingly talked about itself, this was because it talked increasingly to itself. In some ways, this was Max Weber’s old insight, later elaborated as a logic of ‘differentiation’ by the German systems theorist Niklas Luhmann, another writer often cited by Jameson: the apparent autonomy of various cultural activities or ‘value spheres’ in reality reflected an increasingly unified and interconnected world. For Weber and Luhmann, modernity was the driver of this rationalisation and differentiation. For Jameson, modernity, like postmodernity, was just another name for an evolving capitalism. (Marx himself had of course observed in Capital ‘how division of labour seizes upon, not only the economic, but every other sphere of society’.) So did every weightless postmodern artefact in fact testify to the specific gravity of the fully capitalist planet it only appeared to float free of.

The wrinkle in this logic of differentiation was that, under postmodernism, there was also a lot of de-differentiation going on, as witness the merger of high and low culture, the mixing of styles within a given work, and even the tendency of ‘base’ and ‘superstructure’ to blur into one another. On this last point, Jameson has sometimes suggested that, given the patent fancifulness of the financialised economy – so much ‘fictitious capital’ (as Marx called it) as disconnected from the ‘referent’ of reality as the most delirious products of postmodernism – and the obvious subordination of contemporary culture to the bottom line, ‘the economic could be observed to have become cultural (just as the culture could be observed to become economic and commodified).’ Theory as we’ve come to know it clearly offers another case of de-differentiation, in the breakdown of disciplinary boundaries between literary criticism, history, philosophy, anthropology and so on. With this in mind, Jameson has proposed a sort of homeopathic role for theory: intellectual de-differentiation countering the cultural/economic variety. At any rate, it shouldn’t be too surprising to find so much differentiation and de-differentiation taking place side by side. You might draw an analogy with business practices, which shift between vertical integration, or doing everything within one company, and subcontracting, in which tasks are farmed out.

All together, the sophistication of Jameson’s work and the breadth of his references had a dual effect. He wrote stirringly of the vocation of ‘dialectical philosophy and Marxism’ to ‘break out of the specialised compartments of the (bourgeois) disciplines and to make connections among the seemingly disparate phenomena of social life generally’, and clearly his own work belonged to and even crowned this Western Marxist lineage. Behind his project lay the understanding that social life is ‘a seamless web, a single inconceivable and transindividual process, in which there is no need to invent ways of linking language events and social upheavals or economic contradictions because on that level they were never separate from one another.’ And yet for Jameson to shepherd so many other theories and so much of contemporary culture into the big tent of his own theory could only be the task of a rare intelligence singularly devoted to the project. Such de-differentiation, in other words, was the fruit of a profound differentiation; all this totalising had to be purchased at the expense of what Marx called that ‘all engrossing system of specialising and sorting men, that development in a man of one single faculty at the expense of all others.’ Intellectually, Jameson was central. Socially, such a figure can hardly have been more marginal and ‘elite’, something that has become truer with each passing decade.

For Jameson has been a professor mostly at Duke, toniest of southern colleges. And you could say that American higher education itself suffered a dialectical reversal somewhere around 1980 – to date, the high-water mark of class mobility in the US – as the universities went from being among the main vehicles of egalitarianism to being the primary means of reproducing class privilege. Everyone talks, with good reason, about the runaway costs of healthcare in the US, but if healthcare inflation since 1980 has exceeded 400 per cent, the price of a university education has risen, on a recent calculation, by an incredible 827 per cent. Jameson’s Marxism might have been rare enough in any circumstances, but forces beyond his control also had the effect of making it seem outrageously expensive. Jameson recognised the problem: ‘What is socially offensive about “theoretical” texts like my own,’ he said in an interview, is ‘not their inherent difficulty, but rather the signals of higher education, that is, of class privilege, which they emit.’ But of course he couldn’t solve it.

The dialectic, Jameson explains in the new book, has among its main tasks the recovery of the common situation binding together thoughts or realities that seem on the face of it to have nothing in common – just the operation that he has often defended under the name of ‘totalisation’. He illustrates the idea with a famous example from Hegel: ‘Thus, the Slave is not the opposite of the Master, but rather, along with him, an equally integral component of the larger system called slavery or domination.’ This is a simple instance, since no special ingenuity is required to see that you can’t have slaves without masters or vice versa. It’s perhaps not much harder to grasp the idea of Fredric Jameson and someone like Sarah Palin as two faces of the same coin, figures truly as absurd as their opponents make them out to be, but only because the system itself is utterly cracked. So intellectual debility becomes a badge of populism, and socialist learning a hobby of rich people’s children.

Common, probably, to most favourable and unfavourable impressions of Jameson has been the image of him as an author of forbidding treatises, massive salt-licks of theory. Undeniably, many of the books are thick, including Valences of the Dialectic, a doorstop of some 600 pages. As with Jameson’s previous book, The Ideologies of Theory, the title alone brandishes two words that, in the US at least, can hardly be used in polite – which is to say, anti-intellectual – company. Reading Valences of the Dialectic on the subway I felt more sheepish than I had since bringing Gregor von Rezzori’s (ironically titled!) Memoirs of an Anti-Semite onboard.

The impression of Jameson’s erudition was never wrong, nor the sense that he could be a difficult writer. But it was a mistake to perceive him as the architect of colossal tomes. The longest of his books are in reality sheaves of essays; his original pages on postmodernism, though they would later be inserted into a great silver-blue volume ten times as long, show a pamphleteer’s provisional and exuberant spirit. But the postmodern age hasn’t been a pamphleteering one, and the left-wing journals in which Jameson’s articles have mostly appeared address an even narrower audience than the cultural studies section of an independent bookstore. Still, it’s more accurate to see Jameson as a writer of long essays than of long books. And the essays themselves regain their polemical sharpness and definition when considered in isolation and not as the chapters of so many books.

Two new essays, freshly composed for the occasion, bookend Valences of the Dialectic; in between are mainly reprints of pieces many of which don’t concern or exhibit dialectical thinking much more (or any less) than the rest of Jameson’s work in the years since he published ‘Toward a Dialectical Criticism’ (in Marxism and Form) in 1971. Of the bookends, the first offers a provisional introduction to the dialectic. That neither it nor the volume as a whole is meant to stand as definitive is made clear by a slightly comic footnote in which Jameson, regretting the lack of ‘the central chapter on Marx and his dialectic which was to have been expected’, promises two future volumes, on Hegel and Marx respectively, to ‘complete the project’. Meanwhile (a favourite Jamesonian transition, as if everything was present in his mind all at once, and it was only the unfortunately sequential nature of language that forced him to spell out sentence by sentence and essay by essay an apprehension of the contemporary world that was simultaneous and total), it may further correct the idea of him as a tome-monger to point out that such a mood of provisionality or hesitation runs throughout his work. For all the consistency of his commitments, he has not produced worked-out arguments and scholarly findings so much as a tissue of hints, hypotheses, recommendations and impressions. It would be easy to find many sentences in Jameson starting like this one: ‘Now we may begin to hazard the guess that something like the dialectic will always begin to appear when thinking approaches the dilemma of incommensurability …’ Such accumulated qualifications – and yet ‘always’. The effect here may approach self-parody, but that is a hazard no truly distinctive stylist avoids. Not often in American writing since Henry James can there have been a mind displaying at once such tentativeness and force.

Jameson’s preference for a conditional over a declarative mood is a token of the necessarily speculative quality of what he does. It’s far easier to be sure that culture is indeed mediating the economy than to establish in any given case how such mediation works. In Valences of the Dialectic, at any rate, one of the most striking suggestions made in the introductory essay is that Hegel, who articulated his omnivorous philosophical logic at a time when industrial capitalism was hardly more than a local English affair, may have been seized by an intimation of the ultimately global logic of capitalism: capitalism too is forever enlarging itself, and bringing under one rule the most disparate people and places. So does creative destruction on the economic plane resemble the dialectic’s refusal to freeze or reify its concepts and stand pat. Dialectical thought, then, would be at once the mirror of capitalism and (in Marxist hands) its rival: the totalising imperative that is the dialectic confronting the totality that is capitalism. From this it follows that the dialectic, despite the musty air of the word, may be set to come into its own only today, with the universal installation of capitalism. The thought may be less outrageous than it appears. After all, it was an explicitly Hegelian formulation – the end of history – that captured for the public imagination the meaning of the collapse of Communism in Europe. Jameson’s reiterated Marxist reply is simply that the disappearance of the Second World and the elimination of pre-capitalist arrangements in the Third marks in fact the beginning of a universal history: ‘History, which was once multiple, is now more than ever unified into a single History.’ In characteristic Jamesonian fashion, the stray hints and speculations gather themselves, towards the end of Valences, into a stark and audacious proposition: ‘The worldwide triumph of capitalism … secures the priority of Marxism as the ultimate horizon of thought in our time.’ How’s that for dialectical?

The particular ‘dilemma of incommensurability’ preoccupying Jameson in the long concluding essay of Valences concerns the disjunction of biological or existential time (one’s threescore and ten) with the differently experienced time of History. By History, Jameson means the succession of the happy or unhappy destinies of whole peoples and classes within the ‘single vast unfinished plot’ – as he put it almost 30 years ago in The Political Unconscious – of humankind’s existence. Of course individual experience and collective fate consist in the same living substance, but the sensation of their identity, ‘a recognition of our ultimate Being as History’, is a rare and fleeting glimpse into the demographic sublime – all those suffering persons dead, living and still unborn – too dizzying and appalling to be sustained.

Jameson has argued for years that the intersection of existential and historical time has become particularly rare in postmodern times. In spite of the obvious historical novelty of our present way of life, the past tends to fall rapidly away into oblivion or else to be taken up by media representations that serve as ‘the very agents and mechanisms for our historical amnesia’. The result, as he put it in his great essay ‘The Antinomies of Postmodernity’ in The Seeds of Time (1994), was that ‘for us time consists in an eternal present and, much further away, an inevitable catastrophe, these two moments showing up distinctly on the registering apparatus without overlapping or traditional states.’

No one, it seems to me, has better conveyed the oddly becalmed quality of recent decades, the sense of a ‘locked social geology so massive that no visions of modification seem possible (at least to those ephemeral biological subjects that we are)’. It was in the light of the feeling of a windless postmodern stasis that Jameson wanted to stick up for utopianism, especially in Archaeologies of the Future (2005), his appreciation of Utopia as a subgenre of science fiction and an immortal human desire: ‘The very political weakness of Utopia in previous generations – namely that it furnished nothing like an account of agency, nor did it have a coherent historical and practical-political picture of transition – now becomes a strength in a situation in which neither of these problems seems currently to offer candidates for a solution.’ The dialectic, Adorno said, would renounce itself if it renounced the ‘idea of potentiality’, and it was just this dimension that Jameson meant to preserve amid the deadly consensus as to the unsurpassable virtues of liberal capitalism.

In ‘The Valences of History’, the concluding essay of the new book, Jameson argues that when the fitful apprehension of history does enter the lives of individuals it is often through the feeling of belonging to a particular generation: ‘The experience of generationality is … a specific collective experience of the present: it marks the enlargement of my existential present into a collective and historical one.’ A generation, he adds, is not forged by passive endurance of events, but by hazarding a collective project. That this too is uncommon enough can be deduced from Jameson’s example of the process: ‘Avant-gardes are so to speak the voluntaristic affirmation of the generation by sheer willpower, the allegories of a generational mission that may never come into being.’ So the small sect crystallises the would-be universal – an ironic and possibly dialectical contradiction, and a fitting suggestion for a Marxist professor to make amid a near unchallenged global capitalism.

The theme of generations recurs from time to time in Jameson, whose work in any case proceeds less by straightforward argumentation than by a kaleidoscopic rotation across a consistent set of problems. In ‘Periodising the 60s’ (1984), he noted that ‘the classification by generations has become as meaningful for us as it was for the Russians of the late 19th century, who sorted character types out with reference to specific decades,’ and in that essay and elsewhere this rigorously non-confessional writer has hinted at the decisive importance of the 1960s in his own formation. Jameson’s fellow Marxist critics Perry Anderson and Terry Eagleton (with some cosmic design evidently at work in the similarity of all three names) have already testified to his eminence in such a way as to give some sense of his importance to their own generation. It is a generation in which a younger person notices, though not especially among the Marxists, a widespread and not infrequently pathetic tendency toward serial intellectual and cultural faddism, which makes it the more impressive and even inspiring – to Jameson’s peers as well, it may be – that he has stayed so true to the utopian stirrings of the 1960s while remaining open to so much of what’s come since.

Jameson once likened the goofy eclecticism of certain postmodern architecture to the recipes inspired by ‘late-night reefer munchies’, and it may be an observation to bridge the gap between his generation, steeped in the 1960s, and my own to say that reading Jameson himself has always reminded me a bit of being on drugs. The less exceptional essays were like being stoned: it all seemed very profound at the time, but the next day you could barely remember a thing. Indeed there’s no other author I’ve frequented or admired to anything like the same degree so many of whose pages produced absolutely no impression on me. And yet the best of Jameson’s work has felt mind-blowing in the way of LSD or mushrooms: here before you is the world you’d always known you were living in, but apprehended as if for the first time in the freshness of its beauty and horror. One of the trippier as well as more affecting passages in Valences of the Dialectic is a sort of aria on the condition of living, through global capitalism, in a totally man-made world, one in which even the weather patterns and the geological age (the Anthropocene, it was recently declared) are human productions:

We have indeed secreted a human age out of ourselves as spiders secrete their webs: an immense, all-encompassing ceiling … which shuts down visibility on all sides even as it absorbs all the formerly natural elements in its habitat, transmuting them into its own man-made substance. Yet within this horizon of immanence we wander as alien as tribal people, or as visitors from outer space, admiring its unimaginably complex and fragile filigree and recoiling from its bottomless potholes, lounging against a rainwall of exotic and artificial plants or else agonising among poisonous colours and lethal stems we were not taught to avoid. The world of the human age is an aesthetic pretext for grinding terror or pathological ecstasy, and in its cosmos, all of it drawn from the very fibres of our own being and at one with every post-natural cell more alien to us than nature itself, we continue murmuring Kant’s old questions – What can I know? What should I do? What may I hope? – under a starry heaven no more responsive than a mirror or a spaceship, not understanding that they require the adjunct of an ugly and bureaucratic representational qualification: what can I know in this system? What should I do in this world completely invented by me? What can I hope for alone in an altogether human age?

In such a passage it’s possible to see a few things. One is as much evidence as a few lines could offer for placing Jameson among the important American writers of the age tout court. Another is his special way of being one of those (to vary what Henry James said) by whom nothing is abandoned: the apprehension of the alienness of the world is the signature experience in Sartre’s Nausea, whose author was the subject of Jameson’s PhD thesis and first book; the ‘human age’ alludes to the trilogy of novels by Wyndham Lewis, subject of another book-length study by Jameson; and the situation described here, of humanity confronting its own handiwork as something alien and exterior, is very much that of Marx’s alienated labour, in which the worker is dominated by the product of his own hands, his estranged ‘species-being’ ranged against him in the form of someone else’s capital. But the reader’s impression of tremendous intellectual power is accompanied by one of political paralysis. Who is this collective human ‘I’, in a world ‘completely invented by me’? Nobody at all, of course. Again, the analogy with drugs: perceptual journeys across the universe, confined to the couch.

My impression is that it’s this combination of hypertrophied theory and atrophied ‘praxis’ in Jameson that causes his name to provoke as many smirks as sighs of admiration. But from the point of view that he has so imposingly established and defended it would be a bit moralising, individualistic and certainly undialectical to judge whether it was good or bad that Marxism has taken the form it does in his work. The most intelligible Marxist account of individual greatness in a writer or artist is that it belongs to the figure who opens himself unreservedly to the sociohistorical forces in play. ‘The intervening individual subject,’ Adorno wrote in Aesthetic Theory (1970), ‘is scarcely more than a limiting value, something minimal required by the artwork for its crystallisation.’ Jameson’s tremendous cultural and intellectual receptivity would alone seem enough to certify his achievement. In what rival body of work is there more of the contemporary world to see? And how can he be taxed with failing to formulate a political programme not on offer anywhere else? It is already a substantial feat to have preserved and extended the legacy of Marxism for a generation of intellectuals in which it might otherwise have nearly expired.

What now? The near consensus that obtained for a quarter-century on politics and economics, leaving culture as the real terrain of battle, seems to have faltered over the past few years. What does this do to Jameson’s work? One threat to his legacy is that it’s hard to imagine any of his inheritors excelling him in sophistication. Perry Anderson has hailed Jameson as the culmination of Western Marxism. In literary history, culminations – of, say, the psychological novel in Proust, or Romanticism in Yeats, or a certain modernism in Beckett – often look like dead ends. And why would going further be necessary? Jameson himself has suggested that in light of the obvious instability and injustice of global capitalism, a perfectly vulgar Marxism might now do just as well.

And yet the relative neglect of strictly economic questions in Jameson (and in Western Marxism generally) may now look like a liability. After all, the recent implosion of the markets, and efficient market theory with them, hasn’t induced a stampede in the direction of Marxism. The crisis revived interest in Keynes and Minsky, but it will apparently take until the next convulsion, or longer, for the same to happen to Marx the economist, and the writers from Hilferding to Harvey who worked out a Marxian theory of finance.

Of course it would contradict Jameson’s account of how culture works if his own writing didn’t reproduce some of the blind spots he detects in the world at large, where material production seems somehow to be hidden from view and where social transformation looks like a dead letter. Still, the weak point, it seems to me, in Jameson’s strongly Marxist account of recent culture has been his relatively thin description of the economy, the mode of production. It is too easy to read much of his work and conclude that a given film, say, could indeed be read as a blind allegory of ‘late capitalism’, without late capitalism meaning anything much more distinct than ‘the economy’ or ‘the system’. In such cases it has been far easier to accept his Marxism in an axiomatic sense – a product of late capitalism will necessarily be about late capitalism too – than to see how the axiom could be embodied in persuasive local analyses of this or that cultural artefact or tendency.

And yet it isn’t as if Jameson can’t do that too. Some of his strongest essays, for instance ‘The Brick and the Balloon’ (1998) or ‘The End of Temporality’ (2003) – about, respectively, postmodern architecture and the waning contemporary sense of past and future – analyse these phenomena the more convincingly and illuminatingly for doing so in the context of the bodiless and instantaneous transactions of finance capital. It would only have enriched Jameson’s work if he had directed his attention to the cultural fallout of other novel features of the latest stage of capitalism: Mandel mentioned not only computerisation and the rise of the service industries, themes Jameson has occasionally taken up, but also accelerated turnover time for fixed capital (i.e. a shorter period in which to recoup one’s investment), and the replacement of the gold standard by floating currencies. It’s not hard to imagine these transformations of the base percolating up through the superstructure. The mass introduction of women into the paid workforce, the expansion of advertisable space, the displacement of cash by credit cards and digital transactions: these are a few of the other economic changes in recent decades that come to mind as having suffused the superstructure too. Perhaps the outstanding virtue of David Harvey’s Condition of Postmodernity (1989) was his correlation of sped-up cultural change with a general ‘space-time compression’ operating in contemporary capitalism across such disparate features as a casualised labour market, expanded international trade, shorter-term investment and so on – though it should be added that Harvey’s work along these lines followed Jameson’s and might not have been possible without it.

Jameson has often written of a given stage of capitalism setting the ‘conditions of possibility’ within which a writer or artist has to work. It might equally be said of his own work as a critic that it established the conditions of possibility for a Marxist cultural criticism at least as often as it offered an example of such a thing. Here, then, is another of Jameson’s contradictions: sighing with cultural belatedness, his essays have also seemed like preludes, prolegomena, to work yet to be done. Whether this work will use the word ‘postmodernism’ doesn’t seem very important. In fact it’s probably worth remembering Jameson’s ‘therapeutic’ recommendation, at the end of A Singular Modernity (2002), that capitalism might be substituted ‘for modernity in all the contexts in which the latter appears’, and extending the suggestion to postmodernity too. That would place us squarely in the midst of a capitalist or (to periodise a bit more) neoliberal culture, waiting to see what comes next. It would also place us in Jameson’s debt.

Grisha Perelman He Conquered the Conjecture by John Allen Paulos

Grigory (Grisha) Perelman

Fascinating article on Grigory (Grisha) Perelman who solved a mathematical problem that has perplexed mathematicians for more than a hundred years. A remarkable feat to imagine, if one even can, because Perelman is one of the first people in human history to evolve a mathematics with which he can wholly theorize the 4th dimension. An ability by which he an mentally inhabit four dimensional forms and perform integral operations upon a them to furnish complete proofs by which the three dimensional movements of surfaces can be mapped to their four dimensional coordinates. It is even more fascinating story because he accomplishes this in spite of, or maybe as symptomatic of his Asperger Syndrome. He turned down two of the most prestigious prizes in mathematics, one including over a million dollars in prizes. According to Perelman who lives with his mother in a small apartment in St. Petersburg “Everybody understood that if the proof is correct then no other recognition is needed.”

See Original From NY Review of Books

Perfect Rigor: A Genius and the Mathematical Breakthrough of the Century
by Masha Gessen
Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 242 pp., $26.00

Masha Gessen’s Perfect Rigor is a fascinating biography of Grigory (Grisha) Perelman, the fearsomely brilliant and notoriously antisocial Russian mathematician. Perelman proved the Poincaré Conjecture, one of mathematics’ most important and intractable problems, in 2002—almost a century after it was first posed, and just two years after the Clay Mathematics Institute offered a one-million-dollar prize for its solution.

Gessen herself grew up in the former Soviet Union, is roughly Perelman’s age, and has a mathematical background, which facilitated her interviews with many of his classmates, mentors, teachers, and colleagues. Not surprisingly, she did not interview the reclusive mathematician or his mother, with whom he currently lives. But the others give a convincing picture not only of him but also of the strange world of Soviet mathematics, which was divided between the official, rigid mathematical establishment and the informal mathematical counterculture. The former, because of its historical importance to engineering and military projects, was supported by the Party and the government; the latter consisted of scholars who loved mathematics for its own sake and used it as a way to escape the stultifying influence of officious apparatchiks.

Born in 1966 to Jewish parents, Perelman came of age when this distinction was breaking down during the era of glasnost and perestroika. By the time he was ten he began to show a talent for mathematics, and his mother, who had abandoned her own graduate work in the field in order to raise him, enrolled him in an after-school math club coached by Sergei Rukshin, a mathematics undergraduate at Leningrad University. Rukshin was a troubled youth who became obsessed with mathematics and gradually developed a rigorous, distinctive, and very effective method of teaching problem-solving. Over the last twenty years, approximately half of all Russian entrants to the International Mathematical Olympiad have studied with him.

Only nineteen himself when he met Perelman, Rukshin stayed in contact with him from his first after-school math club until, it seems, a relatively recent break. He found that the not yet adolescent Perelman, described by Gessen as “an ugly duckling among ugly ducklings…pudgy and awkward,” was already unusually deliberate and precise in his thinking. Alexander Golovanov, who studied math alongside Perelman, said that Rukshin’s growing commitment to and love for Perelman came to give meaning to his own life. Like many a competitive sports coach, Rukshin hated it when his charges engaged in anything other than his sport. This was an unnecessary restriction in Perelman’s case since from the beginning he seemed uninterested in girls or anything other than mathematics.

When Perelman was fourteen, Rukshin spent the summer tutoring him in English; he accomplished in a few months what generally took four years of study. Perelman had to fulfill the English requirement to get into Leningrad’s Specialized Mathematics School Number 239. As Gessen writes, these mathematical high schools owe much to Andrei Kolmogorov, arguably the most important Soviet mathematician of the twentieth century and a figure who straddled the divide in Soviet mathematics mentioned above.

Kolmogorov, who did seminal work in probability, complexity theory, and other subjects, was something of an anomaly. A prolific mathematician, he was also passionately interested in education and devised an imaginative secondary school curriculum featuring mathematics first of all, but also classical music, sports, hiking, literature, poetry, and activities intended to foster male bonding. In the schools that he inspired, his disciples promoted Greek and Renaissance values and tried to protect their students from Marxist indoctrination. Eventually Kolmogorov was denounced as an agent of Western influence in the Soviet Union, but his ideas still permeated School 239 when Perelman studied there.

Valery Ryzhik, Perelman’s teacher at School 239, remembered him as “such a little boy” who sat in the back of the class. Ryzhik and Rukshin employed Kolmogorovian methods of instruction and character-building and dragooned the students into long walks, which Perelman endured but didn’t enjoy. A brilliant man himself, Ryzhik was denied entry to Leningrad University because he was Jewish, but Perelman, as he is described here, seemed oblivious not only to Ryzhik’s past difficulties, but also to the pervasive Soviet anti-Semitism and, indeed, to any sort of political issues.

The school insulated Perelman and allowed him to think that the world, like the math classroom, was a place where logic mattered and rules were interpreted strictly. It also allowed him to grow his fingernails until they curved. And if he wanted to eat only a particular kind of raisin bread with peanuts on the surface (which he didn’t like and scraped off), he could do so. Ensconced in his mathematical cocoon, he could tune out all the messy inconsistencies and contingencies of life in general and of Soviet life in particular.

As he approached the end of his days at School 239, Perelman had to think about the next stage of his education. Gessen writes that for a Jewish boy gifted in mathematics to be admitted to a university, there were three possibilities: hope you were one of the two Jews accepted at Leningrad University every year; go somewhere with less draconian admission policies; or make it onto the Soviet team for the International Mathematical Olympiad, which guaranteed admission to Leningrad University. Perelman decided to try out for the team.

Accompanied by his seemingly omnipresent mother, he embarked on a grueling training program held in a town near Moscow and run by Alexander Abramov, who later remarked that Perelman never encountered a problem in a competition that he couldn’t solve. He won a gold medal in the 1982 Olympiad with a perfect score and gained admission to Leningrad University.

After Abramov, Perelman’s mentors and teachers were world-class mathematicians in their own right, and Gessen provides brief sketches of all of them. In particular, there were Viktor Zalgaller, his undergraduate adviser at Leningrad University and an eminent geometer; Alexander Danilovich Alexandrov, his graduate adviser and a distinguished mathematician and philosopher; and Alexandrov’s student Yuri Burago, another prominent differential geometer. The latter two were instrumental in getting Perelman a postdoctoral position at the Steklov Institute of Mathematics in Leningrad. Mikhail Gromov was yet another important mathematician who on several occasions helped ease Perelman’s way into the larger mathematical world.

A big part of that larger world was the US, and in the late 1980s and early 1990s Perelman worked on theorems in Riemannian geometry as a postdoctoral fellow at a number of American universities, including NYU, SUNY Stony Brook, and UC Berkeley. After succinctly and elegantly proving a topological theorem called the Soul Conjecture—which dealt with the use of small parts (“souls”) of certain geometrical figures to deduce the wholes—in 1994, Perelman was widely recognized as a star and offered positions at both Stanford and Princeton. He declined both offers, rejecting Princeton’s because the math department had the temerity, in his view, to ask for a CV. Perelman thought the results he’d already proved and a lecture he’d given there should have been sufficient to warrant granting him immediate tenure. In 1995 he returned to the Steklov Institute.

The next year the European Mathematical Society planned to announce the award of a prize to Perelman, and he responded by saying he’d create an unpleasant scene if he was given it. According to Gromov, he believed that his work was not complete, that the judges were not qualified to assess it, and that he, not they, should decide when he should receive a prize.

Gessen, on the basis of many incidents of Perelman’s prickliness, his long hair and fingernails and Rasputin-like appearance, and his often asocial behavior, suggests that he has Asperger’s syndrome, sometimes referred to as autism-lite. Quoting the psychologist Simon Baron-Cohen, an expert in the field, she writes that people with Asperger’s have limited social skills, have trouble communicating, often speak oddly (their speech is characterized sometimes by jarring transitions, literal interpretations, or obliviousness to nuance), and frequently need help with the minutiae of everyday living and so are dependent on others, such as their mothers, as was the case with Perelman.

Moreover, they are extraordinarily good at systematizing but extraordinarily poor at empathizing, and have what Baron-Cohen calls an “extreme male brain.” They lack a built-in “theory of mind,” the ability both to easily imagine other people’s points of view and to realize that others will evaluate situations differently. For them, truth is literal and uniform. For example, seeing that a ball has been moved from one cup to another while someone has left the room, many people with Asperger’s expect that on the person’s return he will know that the ball is now in the other cup.

In part because of their training, mathematicians deal with universal statements and often tend to interpret assertions literally. (For a personal example, whenever I see the bumper sticker “War is never the answer,” I think that, to the contrary, war most certainly is the answer, if the question is “What is a three-letter word for organized armed conflict?”) Baron-Cohen thinks there’s more to the matter than this, however. He maintains that there is some neurological reason for the strong correlation between mathematical talent and Asperger’s syndrome. Whether true or not, mathematicians do score consistently higher on what he calls his AQ (autism-spectrum quotient) test, and Gessen writes that she herself has a high AQ. Although there are many gregarious mathematicians, there may be some truth in the definition of an extroverted one: he’s the one who looks at your feet while he’s talking.

Still, Perelman’s behavior, unusual as it sometimes has been, doesn’t seem all that peculiar to me. I suspect that a small part of the appeal of his story depends on the satisfaction people derive from reading about unbalanced scientists and mathematicians. Witness the popularity of A Beautiful Mind , the biography of John Nash, or The Strangest Man , the recent biography of the physicist Paul Dirac.1 The phenomenon is vaguely akin to the schadenfreude elicited by tabloids’ tales of celebrities’ faults and foibles.

Perelman seemed to fade from the mathematics scene after 1995, but then in 2002 and 2003 he posted on the Internet (rather than submit to a journal) three papers in which he sketched a proof of the Poincaré Conjecture, as well as some more general results. It is these three papers that Gessen calls “the mathematical breakthrough of the century” in the subtitle of her book. What is the Poincaré Conjecture? Useful in understanding it are a few ideas from topology, the branch of geometry concerned with the basic properties of geometric figures that remain unchanged when they are stretched and shrunk, deformed and distorted, or subjected to any “smooshing,” as long as they’re not ripped or punctured. Size and shape are not topological properties; figures shaped like melons, dice, and baseball bats are deemed topologically equivalent since they can be contracted, expanded, and transformed into one another without ripping or puncturing.

Whether a closed curve in space has a knot in it or not is, however, a topological property of the curve in space. That a closed non-self-intersecting curve on a flat plane, no matter how convoluted it is, divides the plane into two parts—the inside and the outside—is a topological property of the curve. How many dimensions a geometric figure possesses, whether or not it has a boundary, and if so of what sort—these too are topological properties.

paulos_2-042910.jpg

“A diagram showing ‘simple connectedness,’ a topological property allowing for, in this example, a rubber band around the surface of a sphere to be shrunk to no more than a point. This property was long known to characterize two-dimensional spheres and has now been shown to characterize three-dimensional spheres as well by Perelman’s proof of the Poincaré Conjecture.”

also a matter of topological significance is the genus of a figure—the number of holes it contains. A ball has genus 0 since it contains no holes; a torus (a doughnut, bagel, or inner tube–shaped figure) has genus 1; eyeglass frames without the lenses have genus 2; and so on. Genus 0 objects such as melons and baseball bats are topologically equivalent. Less obviously, a doughnut and a coffee cup with a handle are both figures of genus 1. To see this, imagine that the cup is made of clay. Flatten the body of the cup and expand the size of its handle by squeezing material from the body into the handle. The finger hole of the cup’s handle is in this way transformed into the hole of the doughnut.Henri Poincaré was a French mathematical polymath who laid the foundation for chaos theory and came close to discovering the theory of relativity, among other accomplishments. In a 1904 paper he famously wondered whether a certain topological property of a sphere holds for higher-dimensional analogues of a sphere.

To understand that property, imagine stretching a rubber band around the surface of a ball. We can contract this rubber band slowly, making sure it neither breaks nor loses contact with the ball, and in this way shrink the rubber band so that it becomes no more than a point. (See illustration on this page.) We can’t shrink it to a point if the rubber band is stretched around a doughnut (either around the hole or around the body) or around a pretzel. We can do it, however, if the rubber band is stretched around any topological equivalent of a smooshed ball such as a deformed melon, a crooked die, or a baseball bat with protuberances sticking out of it.

The surface of the ball, but not that of the doughnut, is said to be “simply connected.” Poincaré was aware of the fact that a two-dimensional sphere—the topological term for the two-dimensional surface of a three-dimensional ball—could be defined by this property of simple connectivity. That is, any simply connected two-dimensional closed surface, however distorted, is topologically equivalent to the surface of a ball. He wondered if simple connectedness might characterize three-dimensional spheres as well. The statement that it does so is the Poincaré Conjecture.

This may not sound that daunting until we understand what a three-dimensional sphere is. Topologically speaking, a one-dimensional sphere is the boundary of a circle, i.e., a one-dimensional line of constant curvature on a two-dimensional plane. And, as mentioned, a two-dimensional sphere is the two-dimensional surface of a ball in three-dimensional space. A three-dimensional sphere would be a formally analogous but much more abstract entity: the three-dimensional boundary of a ball in four-dimensional space.

This fourth dimension is easy to define formally but difficult to grasp, except by analogy. Two numerical coordinates are needed to locate a point on a two-dimensional plane, and three to locate it in a three-dimensional space; four-dimensional space is that hypothetical space in which four coordinates are needed. It contains four-dimensional equivalents to our familiar three-dimensional geometrical objects—a four-dimensional cube, for example, known as a tesseract, that has sixteen corners and thirty-two edges to a cube’s eight and twelve. (See illustration on page 45.) A four-dimensional ball, then, would have the same relation to a normal three-dimensional ball that that three-dimensional ball has to the two-dimensional interior of a circle. Such a four-dimensional ball, and the three-dimensional sphere that bounds it, can’t be visualized except in cross-sections—or, it is said, by a very few mathematicians like William Thurston of Cornell University—and can only be defined rigorously and elaborated upon by means of logical rules informed by a flickering intuition.

As with any important mathematical conjecture, there are partial results along the path to proving it on which later mathematicians must stand, as with Newton’s statement “we stand on the shoulders of giants.” In the case of the Poincaré Conjecture, partial results accumulated over time. In particular, these included proofs of the equivalent conjecture for spheres of dimensions greater than three, but not for three. Many brilliant mathematicians, among them Michael Freedman, Stephen Smale, John Stallings, and Christopher Zeeman, engaged in this work.

William Thurston and Richard Hamilton, a mathematician at Berkeley, made seminal contributions that pointed the way to Perelman’s proving of the much more intractable three- dimensional Poincaré Conjecture. Thurston speculated that there were only a small number of different geometries possible for three-dimensional shapes, from which the Poincaré Conjecture would follow as a corollary, but he didn’t prove it. Still, the suggestion and a partial proof of it stimulated more work on the Poincaré Conjecture by Hamilton and had a part in Perelman’s work as well.

Hamilton’s strategy, roughly described, made use of the fact that spheres of every dimension have a constant curvature. Therefore, if an undifferentiated blob in a higher-dimensional space could be kneaded and massaged and distorted, without puncturing or tearing, into something with constant curvature, then this would prove that the blob was, topologically, a three-dimensional sphere after all. To approach this constant curvature Hamilton used a mathematical tool called the Ricci flow. This is a mathematical method of transforming shapes that has somewhat the same effect as heat flowing through a space: as the heat flows it makes the temperature more uniform and in the process smooths out bumps and mountains, hollows and valleys, thereby revealing the underlying shape. Think of blowing hot air into a crinkled-up balloon.

Sometimes, however, it turns out that the Ricci flow must be interrupted at “singularities” (places where the process breaks down and part of the shape starts to stretch on and on, beyond bound—a little like dividing by zero) and a repair must be made using a controlled process of grafting on pieces of other shapes that topologists call “surgery.” Before Perelman’s work there was no guarantee that repairs could be made for every type of singularity and for every recurrence of the same type. Perelman dazzlingly showed that all possible singularities were reparable, and he demonstrated how to do the requisite surgeries and put all the stringy and lumpy pieces of the blob together. As Gessen writes:

He succeeded because he used the unfathomable power of his mind to grasp the entire scope of possibilities: he was ultimately able to claim that he knew all that could happen…as the object reshaped itself.

paulos_3-042910.jpgRobert Webb/Great Stella/Wikimedia Commons

A representation of a tesseract, the four-dimensional equivalent of a three-dimensional cube. It has sixteen corners and thirty-two edges to a cube’s eight and twelve.

Perelman’s three papers on the Internet outlining his proof set off a flurry of checking, explicating, and polishing among at least three sets of eminent mathematicians: Bruce Kleiner and John Lott, both of the University of Michigan; John Morgan of Columbia University and Gang Tian of MIT; and XiPing Zhu of Sun Yatsen University in China and HuaiDong Cao of Lehigh University. The checking was necessary because, as Lott wrote:

It has taken us some time to examine Perelman’s work. This is partly due to the originality of Perelman’s work and partly to the technical sophistication of his arguments. All indications are that his arguments are correct.

The vetting process also gave rise to the controversy brought to public attention by the New Yorker article “Manifold Destiny” by Sylvia Nasar, author of A Beautiful Mind , and David Gruber.2 A paper by Cao and Zhu had been originally entitled “A Complete Proof of the Poincaré and Geometrization Conjectures—Application of the HamiltonPerelman Theory of the Ricci Flow,” but after criticism, they revised it with the more modest title “HamiltonPerelman’s Proof of the Poincaré Conjecture and the Geometrization Conjecture.” They also toned down their original claim, “we give a complete proof,” replacing it with “we give a detailed exposition of the complete proof.” The original paper, which the eminent Harvard mathematician and Fields Medal winner ShingTung Yau initially promoted (Cao and Zhu were his students), seemed to some to arrogate credit for the final proof of the Poincaré Conjecture to themselves when what they were really doing was explicating and polishing Perelman’s work.

In 2006, Perelman turned down the prestigious Fields Medal, sometimes described as the Nobel Prize of mathematics, for his work in proving the Poincaré Conjecture. He explained, “Everybody understood that if the proof is correct then no other recognition is needed.” Whether because of the credit controversy, a disinclination to be in the public eye, or a generalized feeling of disgust, Perelman seems to have dropped out of the mathematical world, and he now lives with his mother in an apartment in St. Petersburg.

Up until March of this year, there remained one more chapter to the Perelman saga. Would he accept the one-million-dollar prize promised by the Clay Mathematics Institute for solving one of the seven so-called Millennium Problems? While the rules say that a proof must appear in a peer-reviewed mathematics journal (not just in an Internet posting), the mathematicians mentioned above have published papers in such journals expounding and amplifying the proof. Surely Perelman deserves the prize, which he was finally and officially offered on March 18.

Five days later, on March 23, Perelman rejected the Clay prize. He reportedly said through the closed door to his spartan apartment, “I have all I want.” The comments he made after rejecting the Fields Medal probably reflect his present state of mind as well:

I don’t want to be on display like an animal in a zoo. I’m not a hero of mathematics. I’m not even that successful. That is why I don’t want to have everybody looking at me.

Some might argue that monetary awards for mathematical work are inappropriate, or that the Poincaré Conjecture is of little practical value and not worth the one-million-dollar prize. The aesthetic and epistemic value of the proof is priceless, however, and it may eventually yield more earthly consequences as well. As for the size of the award—how many no-name hacks are there on Wall Street who make a million dollars or more not just once but every year, and contribute exactly what? Whether Perelman has practical need for the money or not, he could use it to help support his mother or mathematicians of his liking, or to advance the kind of education conceived by Andrei Kolmogorov, or for some purpose only he could imagine. Reconsider your decision, Grisha.

  1. Sylvia Nasar, A Beautiful Mind (Simon and Schuster, 1998), reviewed in these pages by Joan Didion, April 23, 1998; Graham Farmelo, The Strangest Man (Basic Books, 2009), reviewed in these pages by Freeman Dyson, February 25, 2010.

Lev Manovich: Film/Telecommunication in the work of Walter Benjamin and Paul Virilio

(Paul Virilio)

Lev Manovich

Film/Telecommunication — Benjamin/Virilio

If Walter Benjamin had one true intellectual descendant who extended
his inquiries into the second half of the twentieth century, this must be
Paul Virilio. Indeed, Benjamin and Virilio share a number of crucial
affinities both in terms of their method and the themes they explore.
The method: both are able to practice the most difficult
philosophical method of all — that of induction — inferring general laws
of culture and history from the minute details of everyday life. (This
sets them apart from most critics who are predisposed to see
such details through the filters of already existing theoretical
paradigms.) Both also abandon the conventional method of theoretical
exposition which requires the writer to first clearly state general
arguments and then support them by particular examples in favor of
another method, borrowed from cinema: montage of images.
Benjamin, writing about the Arcades Project: “Method of this work is
literary montage. I need say nothing. Only show.”[1] Virilio, in a recent
interview: “I always write with images.”[2]
The themes: both Benjamin and Virilio repeatedly address
themselves to the same ones — the city, the relations between human
senses and technology, the effect of forms of perception on forms of
politics. This essay will focus on one of these common themes: the
disruption caused by a cultural artifact, specifically, new
communication technology (film in the case of Benjamin,
telecommunication in the case of Virilio) in the familiar patterns of
human perception; in short, in intervention of technology into human
nature. This theme features prominently in Benjamin’s celebrated “The
Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction” (1936); half a
century later, Virilio returns to it in an essay which presents one of the
most interesting critiques of cyberculture to date — “Big Optics” (1992).[3]

What is human nature and what is technology? How does one
draws the boundary between the two in the twentieth century? Both
Benjamin and Virilio solve this problem in the same way. They equate
nature with spatial distance between the observer and the observed; and
they see technologies as destroying this distance. As we will see, these
two assumptions lead them to interpret the prominent new
technologies of their times in a very similar way.
Benjamin starts with his now famous concept of aura: the
unique presence of a work of art, of a historical or of a natural object.
We may think that an object has to be close by if we to experience its
aura but, paradoxically, Benjamin defines aura “as the unique
phenomenon of a distance”(224). “If, while resting on a summer
afternoon, you follow with your eyes a mountain range on the horizon
or a branch which casts its shadow over you, you experience the aura of
those mountains, of that branch” (225).  Similarly, writes Benjamin,
“painter maintains in his work a natural distance from reality” (235).

This respect for distance common to both natural perception and
painting is overturned by the new technologies of mass reproduction,
particularly photography and film. Cameraman, whom Benjamin
compares to a surgeon, “penetrates deeply into its [reality] web” (237);
his camera zooms in in order to “pray an object from its shell” (225).
With its new mobility, glorified in such films as Dziga Vertov’s “A
Man with the Movie Camera,” the camera can be anywhere, and, with
its superhuman vision, it can obtain a close-up of any object. These
close-ups, writes Benjamin, satisfy the desires of the masses “to bring
things ‘closer’ spatially and humanly,” “to get hold of an object at very
close range” (225). Along with disregarding the scale, the unique
locations of the objects are discarded as well as their photographs
brought together within a single picture magazine or a film newsreel,
the forms which fit in with the demand of mass democratic society for
“the universal equality of things.”

Writing about telecommunication and telepresence, Virilio
similarly uses the concept of distance to understand their effect. In
Virilio’s reading, these technologies collapse the physical distances,
uprooting the familiar patterns of perception which grounded our
culture and politics.

Virilio introduces the terms Small Optics and Big Optics to
underline the dramatic nature of this change. Small Optics are based on
geometric perspective and shared by human vision, painting and film.
It involves the distinctions between near and far, between an object and
a horizon against which the object stands out. Big Optics is real-time
electronic transmission of information, “the active optics of time
passing at the speed of light.”

As Small Optics are being replaced by Big Optics, the distinctions
characteristic of the former are erased. If information from any point
can be transmitted with the same speed, the concepts of near and far,
horizon, distance and space itself no longer have any meaning. (So, if
for Benjamin industrial age displaced, dislocated every object from its
original setting, for Virilio post-industrial age eliminates the dimension
of space altogether.) At least in principle, every point on Earth is now
instantly accessible from any other point on Earth. As a consequence,
Big Optics locks us in a claustrophobic world without any depth or
horizon; the Earth becomes our prison.

Virilio asks us to notice “the progressive derealization of the
terrestrial horizon,…resulting in an impending primacy of real time
perspective of undulatory optics over real space of the linear
geometrical optics of the Quattrocento.”[4] He mourns the destruction of
distance, geographic grandeur, the vastness of natural space, the
vastness which guaranteed time delay between events and our
reactions, giving us time for critical reflection necessary to arrive at a
correct decision. The regime of Big Optics inevitably leads to real time
politics, the politics which requires instant reactions to the events
transmitted with the speed of light, and which ultimately can only be
efficiently handled by computers responding to each other.
Given the surprising similarity of Benjamin’s and Virilio’s
accounts of new technologies, it is telling how differently they draw the
boundaries between natural and cultural, between what is already
assimilated within the human nature and what is still new and
threatening. Writing in 1936, Benjamin uses the real landscape and a
painting as examples of what is natural for human perception. This
natural state is invaded by film which collapses distances, bringing
everything equally close and destroys aura.

Virilio, writing half a century later, draws lines quite differently.
By now film, which for Benjamin still represented an alien presence,
became part of our human nature, the continuation of our natural
sight. Virilio considers human vision, Renaissance perspective,
painting and film as all belonging to Small Optics of geometric
perspective in contrast to the Big Optics of instant electronic
transmission.

Virilio postulates a historical break between film and
telecommunication, between Small Optics and Big Optics. It is also
possible to read the movement from the first to the second in terms of
continuity –  if we are to use the concept of modernization.
Modernization is accompanied by the process of disruption of the
physical space and matter, the process which privileges interchangeable
and mobile signs over the original objects and relations. In the words of
Jonathan Crary (who draws on Deleuze and Guattari’s ANTI-OEDIPUS
and on Marx’s GRANDRISSE)  “Modernization is the process by which
capitalism uproots and makes mobile that which is grounded, clears
away or obliterates that which impedes circulation, and makes
exchangeable what is singular.”[5] This definition fits equally well
Benjamin’s account of film and Virilio’s account of
telecommunication, the latter just being more advanced
stage in this continual process of turning objects into mobile signs.
Before, different physical locations met within a single magazine
spread or a film newsreel; now, they meet within a single electronic
screen.  Of course, the signs now themselves exist as digital data which
makes their transmission and manipulation even easier. Also, in
contrast to photographs, which remain fixed once they are printed,
digital representation makes every image inherently mutable[6]  –
creating signs which are no longer just mobile but also forever
modifiable. Yet, significant as they are, these are ultimately quantitative
rather than qualitative differences — with one exception.

What may be radically new in electronic telecommunication, in
contrast to film, is that it can function as a two-way communication.
Not only the user can immediately obtain images of various locations,
bringing them together with a single electronic screen, but, via
telepresence, she can also be “present” in these locations. In other
words, she can affect change on material reality over physical distance
in real time. In this way, electronic communication makes
instantaneous not only the process by which objects are turned into
signs but also the reverse process — manipulation of objects through
these signs.[7]

Film, telecommunication, telepresence. Benjamin’s and
Virilio’s analyses made possible for us to understand the historical
effect of these technologies in terms of progressive diminishing and
finally complete elimination of something which both writers see as a
fundamental condition of human perception — spatial distance, the
distance between the subject who is seeing and the object being seen.
This reading of distance involved in (perspectival) vision as something
positive, as a necessary ingredient of human culture provides an
important alternative for a much more dominant tendency in modern
thought to read distance negatively. This negative reading is then used
to attack the visual sense as a whole. Distance becomes responsible for
creating the gap between the spectator and spectacle, for separating
subject and object, for putting the first in the position of transcendental
mastery and rendering the second inert. Distance allows the subject to
treat the Other as object; in short, it makes objectification possible. Or, as
French fisherman have summarized this critique to young Lacan who
was looking at a sardine can floating on the surface of the sea: “You see
the can? Do you see it? Well, it doesn’t see you!”[8]

In Western thought, vision has always been understood and
discussed in opposition to touch; so, inevitably, the denigration of
vision (to use Martin Jay’s term[9]) leads to the elevation of touch (for
instance, witness the recent interest in the idea of haptic). For instance,
we may be tempted to read the lack of distance characteristic of the act of
touching as allowing for a different relationship between subject and
object. Benjamin and Virilio block this seemingly logical line of
argument as they both stress aggression potentially present in this act.
Rather than understanding touch as a respectful and careful contact or
as a caress, they present it as unceremonious and aggressive disruption
of matter.

Thus, the standard connotations of vision and touch become
reversed. For Benjamin and Virilio, distance guaranteed by vision
preserves the aura of an object, its position in the world, while the
desire “to brings things ‘closer’ ” destroys objects’ relations to each
other, ultimately obliterating the material order altogether and
rendering the notions of distance and space meaningless. So even if we
are to disagree with their arguments about new technologies and to
question their equitation between natural order and distance, the
critique of vision — touch opposition is something we should retain.

NOTES

[1] Walter Benjamin, “N [Theoretics of Knowledge; Theory of
Progress],” THE
PHILOSOPHICAL FORUM 15, no. 1-2 (Fall-Winter 1983-1984), 5.
[2] Louise Wilson, Cyberwar, God and Television: Interview with Paul
Virilio, CTHEORY (http://english-www.hss.cmu.edu/ctheory/a-
cyberwar_god.html).
[3] Walter Benjamin, “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical
Reproduction,” in ILLUMINATIONS, ed. Hannah Arendt (New York:
Schochen Books, 1969);  Paul Virilio, “Big Optics,” in ON JUSTIFYING
THE HYPOTHETICAL NATURE OF ART AND THE NON-IDENTICALITY
WITHIN THE OBJECT WORLD, ed. Peter Weibel (Kšln, 1992). Virilio’s
argument can also be found in his other recent essays. See, for instance,
“InterCommunication Celebration Symposium: Media and
Communication in the Computer Age. Asuda Akira, Edmond Couchot,
Jonathan Crary and Paul Virilio,” in ANNUAL
INTERCOMMUNICATION
’94 (Tokyo: 1994).
[4] Virilio, “Big Optics,” 90.
[5] Jonathan Crary, TECHNIQUES OF THE OBSERVER: ON VISION
AND MODERNITY IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY (Cambridge: The MIT
Press, 1990), 10.
[6] This point is argued in William Mitchell, THE RECONFIGURED
EYE: VISUAL TRUTH IN THE POST-PHOTOGRAPHIC ERA (Cambridge,
Mass.:  The MIT Press, 1992).
[7] I analyze the semiotics of telepresence in more detail in “To Lie and
to Act: Potemkin’s Villages, Cinema and Telepresence,” in ARS
ELECTRONICA ’95 (Linz, Austria, 1995).
[8] Jacques Lacan, THE FOUR FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS OF
PSYCHO-ANALYSIS, ed. Jacques-Alain Miller (New York and London:
W.W.Norton, 1978), 95.
[9] Martin Jay, DOWNCAST EYES: THE DENIGRATION OF VISION IN
TWENTIETH-CENTURY FRENCH THOUGHT (Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1993).

The Angel of History: Walter Benjamin’s Vision of Hope and Despair by Raymond Barglow

The Angel of History:

Walter Benjamin’s Vision of Hope and Despair

by Raymond Barglow

Published in “Tikkun Magazine,”

A Klee drawing named “Angelus Novus” shows an angel looking as though he is about to move away from something he is fixedly contemplating.  His eyes are staring, his mouth is open, his wings are spread.  This is how one pictures the angel of history.  His face is turned toward the past.  Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe that keeps piling ruin upon ruin and hurls it in front of his feet.  The angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed.  But a storm is blowing from Paradise; it has got caught in his wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them.  The storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we call progress.

— Walter Benjamin,

Ninth Thesis on the Philosophy of History

For Walter Benjamin, a German Jewish literary critic and philosopher writing in 1940, the very notion of “historical progress” was a cruel illusion.  Benjamin, age forty-eight at the time, had already lived through World War I and its aftermath.  Now, in the second year of yet another war, the course of history had been commandeered by Fascism, a “catastrophe that keeps piling ruin upon ruin.”  Benjamin was himself destined, several months after he wrote these words, to become one more lifeless body tossed upon the heap.  In 1940, seized by authorities in Spain during his effort to escape across the Pyrenees from France, he committed suicide.  But Benjamin probably did not take his own life simply because he feared being turned over to the Nazis: he had described himself as melancholic by nature, and had considered suicide earlier in his life.

In Germany in the years between the two world wars, despair affected many of Benjamin’s contemporaries too.  Among them were my mother and her brother Ralph Zucker, a Jewish student of medicine in Leipzig in the 1920s.  My mother and uncle were born in the first decade of this century into an upper middle-class, assimilated Jewish family in Dresden.  My grandfather was a successful chemist who fought in the army for the Kaiser and returned home decorated with medals.  The family was affluent, and the children well provided for materially.   Yet my Uncle Ralph became desperately unhappy and killed himself in 1927.

“Melancholy” is no longer the most common way of referring to the condition of those who view life as no longer worth living.  The favored term today is “depression,” considered to be a physiological condition for which a standard remedy has become a pill designed to elevate neurotransmitter activity within the confines of the brain.  To be sure, biological factors may be  implicated in chronic unhappiness.  Depression may beset not only individuals, but sometimes entire families, thanks perhaps to a shared genetic inheritance.

But DNA is not the only way in which our lives are interwoven, for despondency and despair correlate with what goes on in the social world.  When the rate of unemployment rises even a fraction of a point, the suicide rate is apt to turn upward as well.   Historical circumstances can shape our lives as powerfully as the material bodies through which we live.  I am thinking now of my own parents and of my Uncle Ralph, whose desperate act took place long ago in a city far removed from California, my home.  In subtle ways, and along pathways that we might not have suspected, sorrow may be conveyed from one generation to the next.

In 1940, a month before Benjamin took his own life in the Old World, I was born into the New one.  My father and mother were of the same generation as Benjamin but had emigrated to the United States in 1938.   Like so many European Jews who narrowly escaped the Holocaust, they deliberately wanted to put their past behind them.  What had happened in Europe was never mentioned in our household.  For my father especially, the past was a closed book.  When I was born, my mother wanted to name me “Ralph,” in memory of her lost brother.  My father objected, and “Ray” was chosen as a compromise.  As a child, I can remember my mother Hilda sitting in the kitchen, crying as she prepared dinner.  I could make no sense of this sadness at the time.  Now, half a century later, I have a clearer idea.  In addition to the other causes of her unhappiness, she was most likely recalling her brother and others left behind in Europe.

My parents were hoping that, securely deposited in the New World, I would be spared their grief.  Only partly has it worked out as they expected.  Memories – of what happened within my parents’ generation but also to others whom I have lost along the way – have a way of overflowing the walls built to contain them.  Of course, such memories and the emotions they evoke can be responded to in any number of ways.  Melancholy may strangle one’s interest in the world and one’s willingness even to get out of bed in the morning.  On the other hand, it can also incite rebellion against an intolerable social order and unravel the self in ways that are creative and liberating.  Benjamin exemplifies this paradox: the heightened receptivity to experience that enabled him to write with such originality and brilliance about the world also made it difficult for him to live in it.

Like so many of his generation, Benjamin experienced the First World War – the bloodiest conflagration in human history up to that time – as pointless and horrible carnage.  But the revolutionary upheaval that occurred in its wake, in Germany, Russia, and elsewhere in Eastern Europe, seemed to represent a turning toward social emancipation as powerful and promising as any that had ever been experienced in the past.  Europe’s revolutionary movements at this time represented perhaps the best chance human beings had during the 20th century of forestalling the conquest of the world by capitalism.  If the workers and soldiers councils that briefly held power – not only in Russia but in Germany as well – had been able to survive the repression unleashed against them, they might have inaugurated a new, liberating path in human history.

Demonstration in front of the House of Representatives in Berlin.  The picket sign at the left reads: “All Power to the Workers’ and Soldiers’ Councils.”

Rosa Luxemburg speaks at the Socialist Congress of 1907.  She spent most of World War I in prison.  She was released on November 9, 1918.  Two months later, on January 15, 1919, she was murdered.

In Germany what occurred instead – thanks to the vindictive Versailles Treaty and corrupt political deals, an economic crisis, and ruthless attacks against the working class – was the decisive defeat of the Left by the end of 1923.  Contributing to this defeat, according to the psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich, was also the Left’s ignorance of the “mass psychology” of political movements.  During these years, Benjamin saw the ideals of socialism violently displaced by a militaristic, eventually fascist regime.  From the threshold of liberation, the Left fell into a quagmire of impotence and despair.

_

George Grosz, People in the Street, 1923In Germany following the War, there occurred a kind of social disintegration.  Artists like George Grosz and Otto Dix satirized an urban existence that seemed to consist of a jumble of separate paths pursued by isolated, self-interested individuals.

This was the situation of the “Lost Generation” in Germany in the 1920s, disillusioned not only with the traditional creeds of nationalism and religion, but also with collective affiliations of every kind.  Several of Benjamin’s close friends had taken their own lives, as had his Aunt Friederike, who was like a second mother to Benjamin, intervening in his disputes with his father and introducing him to the mysteries of art, literature, and science.  Benjamin was deeply shaken by these deaths.

Photograph on the right: Benjamin’s favorite aunt,
Friederike Josephy  _

For many young people, Germany in the 1920s signified everything that had gone wrong with their lives, and they wanted, if possible, to leave the country that had dashed their hopes and ideals.  Emigration was less drastic than suicide.  Some German Jews, drawn to what seemed to be the only remaining progressive movement with any hope of succeeding – Zionism – went to Palestine.  Benjamin’s friend Gershom Scholem made this choice in 1922.  Others among his contemporaries crossed the ocean to America.  Benjamin himself was not willing to abandon Europe, although in 1933 he fled to France, where he lived to the end of his life.

The Homeland’s Happiness and Sadness

Benjamin purchased Paul Klee’s drawing of the Angel of History in 1921 for the equivalent of about thirty dollars.  It remained his most prized possession until he fled to Spain in 1940.  Benjamin’s interpretation of the drawing is only weakly supported by its explicit content: we do not directly perceive in it any sign of a “pile of debris” that “grows skyward” or of a storm “blowing from Paradise.”  Nor is there any visible evidence of the redemptive impulse described by Benjamin: “The angel would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been smashed.”  We may notice, however, a certain tension that animates the image: the eyes of the angel point toward the right, while the rest of the body twists slightly leftward, suggesting arrested movement, possibly a conflict between past and future.  The staring, astonished quality of the face, with the mouth open, is also in keeping with Benjamin’s representation.  He describes the angel’s view of the historical past as compressed: “Where we [humans] perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe that keeps piling wreckage on wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet.”  To the angel there is available no gradual distancing from suffering that would allow its enormity to diminish.  The horror is such that neither words nor images can ever represent it adequately.

The intensity of Benjamin’s description here suggests that he experienced the condition from which the Angel of History cannot escape as a personal as well as a political impasse.   Although he did not go to prison or suffer any other severe repression on account of his beliefs or activities, his outlook on life is inseparable from the defeat of progressive forces in Germany in the 1920s, a decade prior to the seizure of power by the Fascists.  I suspect that one of the reasons why Benjamin was so affected by his political surroundings is that he was either unable or unwilling to arrange the conventional compromises that shelter middle-class individuals from the fate of a proletariat more directly exposed to the cruelties of the class system.  Even Benjamin’s theoretical investigations are radically subjective, as if the boundaries between private and public, between individual experience and the social world, exist only in order to be transgressed.

In autobiographical remarks dedicated to his son Stefan, Benjamin reminisces about a childhood in which the boundaries of the self easily form and vanish, as the child joyfully merges with surrounding objects: a moist cloud in a watercolor painting, a soap bubble, the silver foil around a piece of chocolate.  Children’s games express a dialectic of individuation and disappearance, poetically described by Benjamin in One Way Street:

Standing behind the doorway curtain, the child [who is hiding] becomes himself something floating and white, a ghost.  The dining table under which he is crouching turns him into a wooden idol in a temple whose four pillars are the carved legs…. Anyone who discovers him can petrify him as an idol under the table, weave him forever as a ghost into the curtain….  And so, at the seeker’s touch, with a loud cry he drives out the demon who has so transformed him – indeed without waiting for the moment of discovery, he grabs the hunter with a shout of self-deliverance.

A child’s fascinated exploration of its surroundings – playing with life and death, escaping from the hold of the curtain but then returning to abandon oneself behind it again – models Benjamin’s approach to a literary text, an architectural monument, or a metropolis like Berlin or Paris.  For Benjamin, intellectual investigation is not a distancing activity; it retains much of the intimacy of a child’s engagement with the world.  Foretelling his adult love of literature, Benjamin describes what happens when a child picks up a storybook:

The hero’s adventures can still be read in the swirling letters like figures and messages in drifting snowflakes.  [The child’s] breath is part of the air of the events narrated, and all the participants breathe it.  He mingles with the characters far more closely than grown-ups.  He is unspeakably touched by the deeds, by the words that are exchanged, and when he gets up, he is covered over and over by the snow of his reading.

The mimetic imagination that Benjamin portrays here is happy.  What is it that causes a child’s initial love affair with the world to shut down?  Does this occur because the formation of defensive barriers between self and other is the inevitable culmination of  “normal” child development?  One alternative explanation is this: as children become acquainted with suffering and injustice, in their families and in the wider world, they learn to respond by narrowing their awareness, shutting out others’ misery in order not to be made miserable themselves.  Benjamin’s comment in One Way Street about the nature of love describes an escape from unhappiness that he himself was unable to accomplish: “In a love affair most seek an eternal homeland.  Others, but very few, eternal voyaging.  These latter are melancholics, for whom contact with mother earth is to be shunned.  They seek the person who will keep from them the homeland’s sadness.”

“Homeland’s sadness” refers here to Germany’s situation between the wars.  But the words carry a more personal meaning also.  “Homeland” names a private domain that already as a child one may come to know very well – a domain that melancholy seeks to leave behind but to which it inevitably returns.  Separation from the Other gives rise to what psychoanalyst Melanie Klein called “the depressive position,” which appears to have entrapped Benjamin politically as well as personally.  Like Klee’s Angel, Benjamin felt caught in history’s tangle – propelled forward, yet incapable of disengaging from the past.  Keeping in mind the self-destructive endpoint of his journey, we might reach the conclusion that our task is to put the past behind us and to resist melancholy’s regressive attraction to dissolution and death.  Indeed, because of the terrible ways in which death typically occurs in the world as presently constituted, we have learned to associate it with everything bad: cruelty, violence, and defeat.

Benjamin’s work, however, looks forward to a time when this association can be suspended, and melancholy and death recognized as creative as well as destructive forces.

_

In Albrecht Dürer’s 16th-century engraving Melancholia I, for instance, Benjamin perceives “The deadening of the emotions… an intense degree of sadness.”  The instruments of mathematics and science are of no use to the disconsolate angel who stares at surroundings deprived of meaning.  Yet, through the window of her study, the heavens illuminate a transcendent seascape.   There resides in every object, Benjamin believes, an “enigmatic wisdom,” made accessible by the very sorrow that contemplates a disenchanted world.

True, melancholy often leads to passivity and resignation.  But its rejection of the status quo also harbors a utopian impulse that can motivate activism and change.   Many of Benjamin’s contemporaries responded to their historical circumstances with courageous resistance and commitment to one another, along with their sorrow.   In Benjamin’s case, melancholy issued from a selflessness that, in the absence of the “normal” defensive structures that shore up the ego, was acutely sensitive to everything going on around him.  Hence his writing manifests a spontaneity  and immediacy of perception that, in combination with his analytical skills, give rise to the “illuminations” that still dazzle readers today.

Whether he is exploring Baroque allegory, the pathways of memory in Proust’s labyrinthine text, or the streets and arcades of nineteenth-century Paris, Benjamin dissolves the boundaries that separate author and subject matter.  Elimination of these boundaries amounts to a kind of self-annihilation, but may lead to insight and renewal.  Love itself is a creative loss of existence: “When we love, our existence runs through nature’s fingers like gold coins that she cannot hold and lets fall to purchase new birth.”

Benjamin aims always to fracture the everyday forms that define the world, thereby making it subject to radical re-interpretation and reconstruction.  Even the destiny of prior generations becomes, for Benjamin, open-ended and in need of completion.   In keeping with the teachings of the Kabbalah, Benjamin regards redemption not only as the coming of the Messiah but also as a human tikkun that rescues even the past.  In a letter to Benjamin, the Frankfurt School philosopher Max Horkheimer objected that Benjamin’s view about the “incompleteness of the past” falsifies history: “Past injustice has occurred and is done with.  The murdered are really murdered.”  Benjamin would not have disagreed with this.  To be sure, death is irreversible.  Yet he submits in his Theses on the Philosophy of History that

The past carries with it a temporal index by which it is referred to redemption. There is a secret agreement between past generations and the present one.  Our coming was expected on earth.  Like every generation that preceded us, we have been endowed with a weak Messianic power, a power to which the past has a claim.   That claim cannot be settled cheaply…. even the dead will not be safe from the enemy if he triumphs.  And this enemy has not ceased triumphing.

Our “secret agreement” with past generations is not just to remember what they went through, but to take what Benjamin calls “a revolutionary chance in the fight for the oppressed past.”

This insight notwithstanding, Benjamin did not ally himself with any social movement.  Neither Zionism, the Communist Party, nor any of the fragmented socialist parties could capture his allegiance.  Ironically, the political passivity and disabling melancholy to which Benjamin himself was vulnerable became the target of his sharpest criticism when he recognized these attitudes in others.  Among those whom Benjamin criticized was Erich Kästner, author of  Fabian (1931), a novel that was based on the suicide of my uncle, Ralph Zucker.  The novel expresses the sense of despair and futility that seized Weimar’s “Lost Generation.”  In this book, there is much that reminds me of contemporary America: the sense of a foreclosed future that rules out significant social change, the pervasive cynicism that, while recognizing the world’s cruelty and injustice, regards these conditions as inalterable.

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George Grosz, InflationThe worldwide economic depression that began in the late 20′s was more devastating in Germany than it was here in the United States. Then as now, affluence coexisted more or less comfortably with homelessness.

The novel’s idealistic character, modeled after my Uncle Ralph, is portrayed as naive and destined to fail.  Cynicism, on the other hand, thrives, as voiced by a newspaper editor in the novel: “I know that I’m lying.  I know the system is wrong.  A blind man could see that if he were in my job.  But I serve the wrong system with devotion.  For, within the frame of the wrong system, at whose disposal I have placed my modest talents, the wrong measures are right by the very nature of things, and the right are obviously wrong.”

Weimar capitalism – like capitalism today – scarcely concealed the fact that it organized the world to benefit the wealthy.  This arrangement was made acceptable to the public by giving them the opportunity to buy into a small part of the rulers’ abundance.  (Benjamin notes that “The poor person, even if he possesses only one Thaler, can participate in the holding of public stock which is divided into very small portions, and can thus speak of our palaces, our factories, our treasures.”)  Stock-ownership, though, offered little actual economic control, as a character in Kästner’s novel elaborates: “The manufacturers reduce wages; the state accelerates the decline in the purchasing power of the masses by imposing taxes which it dare not impose on the rich; capital still flees by the billions across the frontiers.  Isn’t that consistency?  Can you say that madness has no method?”  The “masses,” previously the Marxist agency of hope and collective action, are represented here only as consumers, having fallen far from the ideals of self-determination that, a decade earlier, had motivated the workers and soldiers councils.

Benjamin’s discussion of the novel focuses not on the inaccuracy of its description of the world but on its resignation.  The sense of hopelessness in Kästner’s writing can lead, according to Benjamin, only to political stasis and defeat.  Looking back on Benjamin’s life, we may perceive in his criticism of Kästner a reflection of his own internal battle to overcome despair.

In the historical project of liberation, Benjamin represents the Angel of History as being on our side – the angel wants to intervene but does not have the power to do so.  Do we?  Benjamin criticizes the pessimism that regards fundamental change as impossible and that tells us that historically, utopian dreams have been losing propositions.  As an antidote to resignation, Benjamin proposes “the gift of fanning the spark of hope [that was] in the past,” as if memory could ignite a kind of prairie fire across the generations.  Such memory is identified by Benjamin as “the quintessence of Judaism’s theological concept of history.”  Embedded within Jewish tradition is extraordinary hope – Biblical accounts of Exodus and of the Maccabees, for instance, remind us that liberation movements can succeed against seemingly invincible power structures.

Yet Benjamin could not figure out how to join with others to put such a memory-based politics into practice.  Although he enjoyed the company of his friends, he conducted his life quite privately, independent of any political association.  Benjamin’s Zionist contemporaries, on the other hand, followed a different path, creating a collective movement that gave their lives meaning in ways that the traditional Left did not and perhaps could not duplicate.  (In fairness, we should recall that because Zionism’s political aims were directed abroad, it escaped the annihilating repression that in Germany was brought to bear on the Left.)  Scholem writes that “Judaism, in all its forms and manifestations has always maintained a concept of redemption as an event that takes place publicly, on the stage of history and within the community.”

True, no community can restore what has been lost.  In Argentina, for example, the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo movement was organized by women who realized that, except in very rare cases, their efforts would not return to them those who had been “disappeared.”  By sharing their stories and working together, however, they did contribute to ending the military dictatorship.  In associating with others to form a freer, more livable world, we may discover that life can be restored to the dead parts within ourselves.  At the end of this century, Benjamin’s Angel of History is still waiting for us to create the relationships – across the generations, across boundaries of every kind – that will enable him at last to take wing.

George Grosz, Man with Lantern